Joan de Valence pp 35-67 | Cite as
War, Rebellion, and Recovery (1258–85)
Chapter
Abstract
Joan and William de Valence were sorely tested in the period between 1258 and 1285: the era of baronial rebellion and its aftermath; the death of the longest ruling English king until the reign of Queen Victoria; the succession of one of the most dynamic—and complicated—kings England had ever known; war in Wales and Gascony; and the eternal threat of ongoing conflict both with France and with England’s Celtic neighbors. They weathered all that was thrown at them with a high degree of competence rarely acknowledged in the historical narrative, and, in the reign of their nephew, William and Joan achieved a level of political and social acceptance denied to them before 1270.
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Thirteenth Century Royal Family Royal Court Safe Conduct Account Roll
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Notes
- 1.See discussion in chapter 1. Gilbert’s situation is also discussed at length in Altschul, A Baronial Family in Medieval England; and Paul R. Davis, Three Chevrons Red: The Clares, A Marcher Dynasty in Wales, England and Ireland (Logaston: Logaston Press, 2013), 187–197.Google Scholar
- 33.CPR, Henry III, 1258–1266, 325. Mentioned by John Carmi Parsons, Eleanor of Castile: Queen and Society in Thirteenth-Century England (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1995), 264Google Scholar
- 81.The relationship between the Verdons and the Marshal heirs was complicated and multigenerational. They were also related, as halfbrothers, to the Butlers of Ormond, having derived their family name from Roesia de Verdon, John de Verdon’s mother, who was Theobald Butler’s second wife. See Mark S. Hagger, The Fortunes of a Norman Family: The De Verduns in England, Ireland, and Wales, 1066–1316 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2001).Google Scholar
- 99.See James Greenstreet, “Holders of Knights’ Fees in Kent, Anno 38 Henry III,” Archaeologia Cantiana 12 (1878): 220Google Scholar
- 110.Brigitte Miriam Bedos-Rezak, When Ego Was Imago: Signs of Identity in the Middle Ages (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 29.Google Scholar
- 113.The Cartulary of Cirencester Abbey Gloucestershire, ed. Mary Devine (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977), 3: 1073–1074.Google Scholar
- 116.Mrs. A. Murray Smith (E. T. Bradley), The Roll-Call of Westminster Abbey (London: Smith, Elder & Co., 1902), 223.Google Scholar
- 125.The identification of the effigy with William de Valence the Younger was made by Philip J. Lankester, “A Military Effigy in Dorchester Abbey, Oxon,” Oxoniensia 52 (1987): 145–172Google Scholar
- Warwick Rodwell, Dorchester Abbey Oxfordshire: The Archaeology and Architecture of a Cathedral, Monastery and Parish Church (Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2009), 89Google Scholar
- 127.Rachel Dressler has made a study of the significance of cross-legged depictions on tomb sculpture. See Dressler, Of Armor and Men in Medieval England: The Chivalric Rhetoric of Three English Knights’ Effigies (Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing, 2004), 16–17Google Scholar
- 130.Comparatively little has been written about Goodrich in scholarly works. Indeed, the most current research has been conducted by English Heritage and is contained in their guide to the castle. See Jeremy Ashbee, Goodrich Castle (English Heritage Guidebooks), rev. ed. (London: English Heritage, 2005Google Scholar
- R. Allen Brown, English Castles, reprinted as Allen Brown’s English Castles (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2004)Google Scholar
- C. M. Woolgar, The Great Household in Late Medieval England (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999).Google Scholar
- 144.This episode is mentioned in numerous chronicles and texts. See, for example, Michael T. Clanchy, From Memory to Written Record: England 1066–1307, 3rd ed. (Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2013), 41–45Google Scholar
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© Linda E. Mitchell 2016