The Conservative Revolution and the Conservative Dilemma

Abstract

Early studies of the Conservative Revolution have been criticised for failing to give an adequate account of the sociological background to the anti-democratic thought they portray.¹ If the historian does not examine the socioeconomic roots of ideology, it is rightly argued, then the interests served by that ideology remain unclear.² As long ago as 1960 Walter Bußmann made the point that analysing political ideology meant ‘looking at its motives and aims, at its social origins, its effect and how widespread it was’.³ As has been the case with studies of the First World War, more recent studies of anti-democratic thought in the period up to 1933 have taken up this challenge and examined not just political thought but also its social and political context.⁴ For example, Oswald Spengler’s financial support from figures such as Hugenberg has come under scrutiny, as have Conservative Revolutionaries’ links with big business.⁵ Studies of the specific political, social and economic circumstances of individuals and groups within the Conservative Revolution have tended to conclude that its ideology was not revolutionary since its sociopolitical roots were in the middle classes and its economic support was drawn from traditional conservative sources. There was a tendency for the Conservative Revolutionaries to ride on the financial backs of organisations which were more committed to the very tradition of nationalism which they scorned. Much of the new nationalists’ publishing activity, for example, was financed by Stahlhelm, the ex-servicemen’s league, which in turn was closely involved with the monarchist Deutschnationale Volkspartei.