Advertisement

Mutual Legitimation

  • Yongjin Zhang
Part of the St Antony’s Series book series

Abstract

In his book The World and China, 1922–72, published in the early 1970s, John Gittings claimed that ‘how the Chinese have managed to extricate themselves from their isolation in the early 1960s to attain a central position in world affairs must be counted the diplomatic success story of the century’.1 By making this claim, Gittings actually asked, rather than answered, two questions which he must have also marvelled at. First, how could China, a recent pariah in international society, become so significant a player in world politics in such a short time? And second, what was the successful diplomacy that helped the Chinese achieve this? If so, Gittings has asked the right question in the first instance, but misdirected his question in the second. The reason for this is simple. Whatever success story the Chinese diplomacy was, China’s changing role and position in international society were determined not only by the diplomacy of the People’s Republic of China. They were also predicated on changes in the international system and on interactions between Chinese diplomatic initiatives and responses to them from other members of international society. In other words, the dramatic ‘ascendancy’ of China in world politics cannot simply be attributed to the success of Chinese diplomacy.

Keywords

International Society Security Council International System World Politics Diplomatic Relation 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Notes

  1. 1.
    J. Gittings, The World and China, 1922–1972, p. 260.Google Scholar
  2. 2.
    R. Nixon, US Foreign Policy for the 1970s, p. 2.Google Scholar
  3. 5.
    B. Tuchman, ‘If Mao Had Come to Washington: An Essay in Alternatives’, Foreign Affairs, 51, 1 (Oct. 1972) 44–64.Google Scholar
  4. 7.
    S. Goldstein, ‘Sino-American Relations, 1948–1950: Lost Chance or No Chance?’ in Harding and Yuan (eds), Sino-American Relations, pp. 119–42.Google Scholar
  5. 10.
    See Xue Mouhong et al, Dangdai Zhongguo Waijiao. In this most recent publication of the official history of China’s diplomacy from 1949 to 1986, it is forcefully stated that ‘It is the possibility of an armed intervention in the Chinese Revolution by the imperialist powers that dictated the necessity [for the PRC] to unite with other socialist countries’ (p. 4).Google Scholar
  6. 24.
    R. Nixon, ‘Asia after Vietnam’, Foreign Affairs, 46, 1 (1967), 121.Google Scholar
  7. 25.
    Nixon, US Foreign Policy for the 1970s, p. 2.Google Scholar
  8. 27.
    Quoted in L. Bloomfield, ‘China, the United States and the United Nations’, International Organisation, XX, 4 (1966), 654.Google Scholar
  9. 28.
    Pollack, ‘The Opening to America’, in Cambridge History of China, vol. 15, p. 402.Google Scholar
  10. 29.
    Renmin Ribao, 27 Sept. 1979.Google Scholar
  11. 30.
    New York Times, 31, Oct. 1971.Google Scholar
  12. 31.
    M. Witunski, ‘Epilogue’, in G. T. Hsiao, (ed.), Sino-American Détente and Its Policy Implications, p. 272.Google Scholar
  13. 32.
    See Chen Dunde, Mao Zedong he Nikesong zai 1972, pp. 258–61. See also H. Jacobson and M. Oksenberg, China’s Participation in the IMF, the world Bank and GATT, p. 61.Google Scholar
  14. 33.
    J. D. B. Miller, ‘The Third World’, in Miller and Vincent (eds.), Order and Violence, p. 81.Google Scholar
  15. 34.
    China established full diplomatic relations with Spain on 9 March 1973.Google Scholar
  16. 35.
    Miller, ‘The Third World’, Order and Violence, p. 81.Google Scholar
  17. 36.
    Han Nianlong (ed.), Diplomacy of Contemporary China, p. 283.Google Scholar
  18. 39.
    C. Mackerras, Modern China — A Chronology from 1842 to the Present, p. 565.Google Scholar
  19. 40.
    Shi Lin et al, Dangdai Zhongguo de Duiwai Jingji Hezuo (China Today: Economic Cooperation with Foreign Countries), pp. 55–7. Before 1971, 30 countries had received China’s aid. For China’s aid to Africa from 1976 to 1966, see Larkin, China and Africa, pp. 93–103.Google Scholar
  20. 41.
    The phrase from Jonathan Pollack. For a short and interesting discussion of personalities in Sino-American relations, see Pollack, ‘The Opening to Amereica’, in Cambridge History of China, vol. 15, pp. 404–7.Google Scholar
  21. 42.
    From 1970 to 1976, Mao had come out more than 50 times to receive visiting foreign heads of state and government. He was also frequently seen on TV meeting with other visiting foreign dignitaries.Google Scholar
  22. 43.
    See Mackerras, Modern China, p. 576.Google Scholar
  23. 44.
    The foreign dignitaries received by Mao in the five months before 15 May 1976 include Mr and Mrs David Eisenhower (31 Dec. 1975), Mr and Mrs Richard Nixon (Feb.), Laotian Party and government leaders and the Vice-President of Egypt (April), and the Prime Ministers of New Zealand, Singapore and Pakistan (May). See Yearbook on International Communist Affairs, 1977, p. 278.Google Scholar
  24. 46.
    The speech was made at the Sixth Special Session of the UN General Assembly on the problems of raw materials and development. In fact it is in this speech that Deng first expounded Mao’s theory of the three worlds. For the full text of Deng’s speech, see Peking Review, Supplement, 15 (1974).Google Scholar
  25. 51.
    See Xue Mouhong et al, Dangdai Zhongguo Waijiao, pp. 330–1; and Shi Lin et al, Dangdai Zhongguo de Duiwai Jingji Hezuo, pp. 496–534. Shi Lin’s book contains sections with detailed descriptions of China’s early participation in and cooperation with, in particular, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the United Nations Industrial Development Organisation (UNIDO), the United Nations Fund for Population Activities (UNFPA), the United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF), the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), and the United Nations Committee for Transnational Corporations (UNCTC).Google Scholar
  26. 52.
    See G. Chan, China and International Organisations, p. 16. A pioneering study on China’s participation in international organisations before its entry into the United Nations has a slightly different figure. It claims that the PRC was a member in 2 out of 193 IGOs outside the UN system as of December 1966; and that as of December 1968, the PRC’s membership in NGOs was around 60 out of a total of 2188. See also B. S. J. Weng, ‘Some Conditions of Peking’s Participation in International Organisations’, in J. Cohen (ed.), China’s Practice of International Law: Some Case Studies, p. 322.Google Scholar
  27. 59.
    W. R. Fenney, ‘China’s Global Politics at the United Nations’, in J. C. Hsiung, and S. S. Kim (eds), China in the Global Community, p. 160.Google Scholar
  28. 60.
    See A. D. Barnett, China’s Economy in Global Perspective. Google Scholar
  29. 61.
    Zhongguo Duiwai Jingji Maoyi Nianjian, 1989, pp. 299–302. The ratio of the basis growth rate per annum is calculated on the current US dollars.Google Scholar
  30. 62.
    S. S. Kim, ‘Chinese Global Policy: An Assessment’, in Hsiung and Kim (eds), China in the Global Community, p. 222.Google Scholar
  31. 63.
    See Kapur, Distant Neighbours, pp. 149–50. From December 1978 to October 1980, China signed bilateral trade agreements with all the EEC countries, except Ireland.Google Scholar
  32. 64.
    Mackerras, Modern China, pp. 602–16.Google Scholar
  33. 66.
    For details of the Chinese proposals and the Japanese replies, see Lee, Chae-Jin, China and Japan: New Economic Diplomacy, pp. 113–20. For a brief round-up of Sino-Japanese economic relations by Japanese scholars, see Tomozo Morino, ‘China-Japan Trade and Investment Relations’, in F. J. Macchiarola and R. B. Oxnam (eds), The China Challenge: American Policies in East Asia, pp. 87–94.Google Scholar
  34. 67.
    See Barnett, China’s Economy in Global Perspective, pp. 122–48.Google Scholar
  35. 68.
    Kapur, Distant Neighbours, p. 62.Google Scholar
  36. 69.
    Liu Suinian and Wu Qungan, China’s Socialist Economy: An Outline History 1949–1985, pp. 383–4.Google Scholar
  37. 70.
    Barnett, China’s Economy in Global Perspective, p. 193.Google Scholar
  38. 71.
    Liu Suinian and Wu Qungan, China’s Economy in Global Perspective, p. 384.Google Scholar
  39. 72.
    Barnett, China’s Economy in Global Perspective, p. 190.Google Scholar
  40. 73.
    According Harry Harding, total investment envisaged at the time was $300 billion between 1976 and 1985, with $70–80 billion for the import of foreign equipment and technology.Google Scholar
  41. 75.
    A. Whiting, China Eyes Japan, p. 96.Google Scholar
  42. 76.
    See Foreign Broadcast Information Service (FBIS), Daily Report — PRC, 9 April 1980, p. L2.Google Scholar
  43. 79.
    International Herald Tribune, 19 Jan. 1973.Google Scholar
  44. 80.
    Li Qiang, Foreign Trade, 1 (July 1974) 1–5.Google Scholar
  45. 96.
    According to the figures of the Ministry of Foreign Economic Relations and Trade (MOFERT), whereas in 1970 China’s import and export total amounted to $4.586 billion, in 1979, it was $29.33 billion. See Zhongguo Duiwai Jingji Maoyi Nianjian, 1989, pp. 299–302.Google Scholar
  46. 110.
    Pollack, ‘The Opening to China’, in MacFarquhar and Fairbank (eds), The Cambridge History of China, vol. 15, p. 470.Google Scholar
  47. 112.
    Guangming Ribao (Guangming Daily), 25 June 1986.Google Scholar
  48. 113.
    See Deng Xiaoping, ‘Speech at Special Session of UN General Assembly’, Peking Review, 15 Supplement (1974).Google Scholar
  49. 114.
    Hsiung and Kim (eds), China in the Global Community, p. 34.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Yongjin Zhang 1998

Authors and Affiliations

  • Yongjin Zhang
    • 1
    • 2
  1. 1.Department of Political StudiesUniversity of AucklandNew Zealand
  2. 2.St Antony’s CollegeOxfordUK

Personalised recommendations