The New Black History pp 267-286 | Cite as
“Black Is Beautiful But So Is Green”:
Abstract
In the tumultuous summer of 1968, Floyd McKissick, national director of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), announced his retirement from that organization in order to devote his time to the development of the “Black Economy,” the growth of which he viewed as “the spearhead of racial equality.”1 Less than a year later, in early 1969, McKissick unveiled his plans for the flagship of his efforts: a new planned community in Warren County, North Carolina. McKissick intended this project, which he named Soul City, to provide a shining example of his ideal of black economic power. In McKissick’s vision, this endeavor would help “end the dependency of Black people on the white economy which has so long exploited them” by extending “the Civil Rights struggle beyond job training and equal employment to ownership … of the businesses which exist in and of the Black community.” African Americans who followed McKissicks lead, in other words, would no longer “be content to eat leftovers in the kitchen,” seeking instead “to sit at our own table and carve the financial turkey with all its trimmings.”2 Soul City, as a community expressly planned, built, and led according to black capitalist ideals, would prove the viability of McKissick’s thought.
Keywords
Black People Republican Party Black Economy Black Business Black LeadershipPreview
Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.
Notes
- 4.For more on the New Right, see Kevin Kruse, White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007)Google Scholar
- Matthew Las-siter, The Silent Majority: Suburban Politics in the Sunbelt South (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006)Google Scholar
- Joseph Crespino, In Search of Another Country: Mississippi and the Conservative Counterrevolution (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007)Google Scholar
- Kim Phillips-Fein, Invisible Hands: The Businessmen’s Crusade Against the New Deal (New York: Norton, 2009)Google Scholar
- Dan T. Carter, From George Wallace to Newt Gingrich: Race in the Conservative Counterrevolution, 1963–1994 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1999) andGoogle Scholar
- The Politics of Rage: George Wallace, the Origins of the New Conservatism, and the Transformation of American Politics (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2000)Google Scholar
- Donald T. Critchlow, Phyllis Schlafly and Grassroots Conservatism: A Woman’s Crusade (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005)Google Scholar
- Kevin Mattson, Rebels All! A Short History of the Conservative Mind in Postwar America (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2008)Google Scholar
- Bruce J. Schulman and Julian Zelizer, eds., Rightward Bound: Making America Conservative in the 1970s (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008).Google Scholar
- 5.For more on the Utopian impulse, see Russell Jacoby, Picture Imperfect: Utopian Thought for an Anti-Utopian Age (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005).Google Scholar
- For the role of utopia in the civil rights movement, see Francis Shor, “Utopian Aspirations in the Black Freedom Movement: SNCC and the Struggle for Civil Rights, 1960–1965,” Utopian Studies 15, no. 2 (2004): 173–89.Google Scholar
- 6.See Fredric Jameson, Postmodernism, or, the Cultural logic of Late Capitalism (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2003)Google Scholar
- David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity: An Enquiry Into the Origins of Cultural Change (Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1990).Google Scholar
- 8.For other historiographical examinations of the civil rights movement, see Charles M. Payne, “The Social Construction of History,” in I’ve Got the light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 413–43Google Scholar
- Charles W. Eagles, “Toward New Histories of the Civil Rights Era,” Journal of Southern History 66, no. 4 (November 2000): 815–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- Peniel E. Joseph, “Rethinking the Black Power Era,” Journal of Southern History 75, no. 3 (August 2009): 707–16.Google Scholar
- For a more critical engagement with the idea of the “long civil rights movement,” see Sundiata Keita Cha-Jua and Clarence Lang, “The ‘Long Movement’ as Vampire: Temporal and Spatial Fallacies in Recent Black Freedom Studies,” Journal of African American History 92, no. 2 (Spring 2007): 265–88.Google Scholar
- For more on the civil rights movement after the end of its “classical” phase, see Manning Marable, Race, Reform and Rebellion: The Second Reconstruction andBeyondin Black America, 1945–2006 (Mississippi: University Press of Mississippi, 2007)Google Scholar
- Timothy Minchin, From Rights to Economics: The Ongoing Struggle for Black Equality in the U.S. South (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2007).Google Scholar
- 9.McKissick himself, to the best of my knowledge, has never received any scholarly biographical treatment. Some of his specific activities have garnered some attention, however; for more on his activism in Durham, see Christina Greene, Our Separate Ways: Women and the Black Freedom Movement in Durham, North Carolina (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2005).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- For his tenure in the Congress of Racial Equality, see August Meier and Elliott Rudwick, CORE: A Study in the Civil Rights Movement, 1942–1968 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1973), andGoogle Scholar
- William L. Van Deburg, New Day in Babylon: The Black Power Movement and American Culture, 1965–1975 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), 133–35.Google Scholar
- 10.Christopher Strain, “Soul City, North Carolina: Black Power, Utopia, and the African American Dream,” Journal of African American History 89, no. 1 (Winter 2004): 57–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- Roger Biles, “The Rise and Fall of Soul City: Planning, Politics, and Race in Recent America.,” Journal of Planning History 4, no. 1 (February 2005): 52–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- Timothy J. Minchin, “A Brand New Shining City’: Floyd B. McKissick Sr. and the Struggle to Build Soul City, North Carolina,” North Carolina Historical Review 82, no. 2 (April 2005): 125–55.Google Scholar
- 12.Glenn Fowler, “Floyd McKissick, Civil Rights Maverick, Dies at 69,” New York Times, April 20, 1991.Google Scholar
- 16.Karen Ferguson, “Organizing the Ghetto: The Ford Foundation, CORE, and White Power in the Black Power Era, 1967–1969,” Journal of Urban History 34, no. 1 (November 2007): 76.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- 17.Industrial Management Association of Greater Pensacola, “Floyd McKissick—January Program Speaker,” Pensacola Helmsman, January 1976, box 343, folder 7494. McKissick Papers.Google Scholar
- 19.The Soul City Foundation, Soul City: History of A Free Standing New Community (Charlotte, NC: The Soul City Foundation, 1975), 3.Google Scholar
- 31.W E. B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1935), 182–83.Google Scholar
- 32.Elizabeth Tornquist, “Black Capitalism and Soul City, North Carolina,” The North Carolina Anvil, 9 April 1969, box 10, folder 129. Soul City Papers.Google Scholar
- 33.Thomas J. Sugrue, “The Structures of Urban Poverty: The Reorganization of Space and Work in Three Periods of American History,” in The “Underclass” Debate: Views From History, ed. Michael Katz (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 100.Google Scholar
- 36.Daniel Patrick Moynihan, “What Has Been Pulling Us Apart?” in The New American Revolution, ed. Roderick Aya and Norman Miller (New York: Free Press, 1971), 11.Google Scholar
- 40.see Guy Baeten, “Hypochondriac Geographies of the City and the New Urban Dystopia: Coming to Terms with the ‘Other’ City,” City 6, no. 1 (2002): 103–15.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
- 41.Michael B. Katz, ed., “The Urban ‘Underclass’ as a Metaphor of Social Transformation,” in The “Underclass” Debate (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 5.Google Scholar
- 45.John Dvorak, “Money: Rx for Blacks,” Kansas City Times, 23 August 1975, box 341, folder 7548. McKissick Papers.Google Scholar
- 49.Floyd McKissick, Three Fifths of a Man (New York: Macmillan, 1969), 140–41.Google Scholar
- 56.Paul Delaney, “Blacks for Nixon Sharply Rebuked,” New York Times, 3 August 1972.Google Scholar
- 57.James T. Wooten, “McKissick Calls on Blacks to Join Two-Party Politics,” New York Times, 10 August 1972.Google Scholar
- 62.Floyd McKissick, “McKissick for Nixon,” Cincinnati Herald, 23 September 1972, box 341, folder 7551. McKissick Papers.Google Scholar
- 66.Robert T. Chase, “Class Resurrection: The Poor People’s Campaign of 1968 and Resurrection City,” Essays in History 40 (1998).Google Scholar
- 67.Janice Crump, “What’s in Our Name,” The Soul City Sounder, March 1976, box 10, folder 142. Soul City Papers.Google Scholar
- 70.Wayne King, “Soul City, N.C., is Moving from Dream Stage to Reality,” New York Times, 4 January 1974.Google Scholar
- 71.A. O. Sulzberger, “H.U.D. to Foreclose on Soul City, Troubled ‘New Town’ in Carolina,” New York Times, 29 June 1979.Google Scholar
- 73.Thomas Johnson, “Blacks in Carolina Battle to Save Soul City,” New York Times, 3 July 1979.Google Scholar