Advertisement

‘The Age of Universal Contagion’: History, Disease and Globalization

  • Alison Bashford

Abstract

Medicine at the Border explores the pressing issues of border control and infectious disease in the nineteenth, twentieth and twenty-first centuries, in the ‘age of universal contagion’.1 This book places world health in world history, microbes and their management in globalization, and disease in the history of international relations, bringing together leading scholars on the history and politics of global health. Together, the authors show how infectious disease has been central to the political, legal and commercial history of nationalism, colonialism, and internationalism, as well as to the twentieth-century invention of a newly imagined space for regulation called ‘the world’.

Keywords

West Nile Virus International Health World History Rockefeller Foundation Eradication Campaign 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Notes

  1. 1.
    M. Hardt and A. Negri, Empire (Cambridge Mass: Harvard University Press, 2001), p. 136.Google Scholar
  2. 2.
    H. Bell, Frontiers of Medicine in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan 1899–1940 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999), p. 4.Google Scholar
  3. 3.
    See F. Cooper and R. Packard (eds) International Development and the Social Sciences: essays on the history and politics of knowledge (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997).Google Scholar
  4. 4.
    N. Goodman, International Health Organizations and their Work (New York: Churchill Livingstone, 1971);Google Scholar
  5. N. Howard-Jones, International Public Health between the two world wars: the organizational problems (Geneva: World Health Organization, 1978);Google Scholar
  6. W.F. Bynam, ‘Policing Hearts of Darkness: Aspects of the International Sanitary Conferences’, History and Philosophy of the Life Sciences, 15 (1993): 421–34;Google Scholar
  7. J. Siddiqi, World Health and World Politics: the World Health Organization and the UN System (Columbus: University of South Carolina Press, 1995);Google Scholar
  8. K. Lee, Historical Dictionary of the World Health Organization (London: The Scarecrow Press, 1998);Google Scholar
  9. A.M. Stern and H. Markel, ‘International Efforts to Control Infectious Diseases, 1851 to the Present’ Journal of the American Medical Association, 292 (2004): 1474–9.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  10. 5.
    D.P. Fidler, International Law and Infectious Diseases (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999).Google Scholar
  11. 7.
    P. Weindling, Epidemics and Genocide in Eastern Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000);Google Scholar
  12. I. Löwy and P. Zylberman, ‘Medicine as a Social Instrument: Rockefeller Foundation, 1913–45’, Studies in the History and Philosophy of the Biological and Biomedical Sciences, 31 (2000): 365–79.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  13. 8.
    M.D. Dubin, ‘The League of Nations Health Organization’ in P. Weindling (ed.) International Health Organizations and Movements, 1918–1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995) pp. 56–80;Google Scholar
  14. L. Wilkinson, ‘Burgeoning Visions of Global Public Health: The Rockefeller Foundation, The London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, and the “Hookworm Connection”’, Studies in the History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences, 31 (2000): 397–407;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  15. L. Manderson, ‘Wireless Wars in the Eastern Arena’ in P. Weindling (ed.) International Health Organizations and Movements (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).Google Scholar
  16. 9.
    J. Farley, To Cast Out Disease: A History of the International Health Division of the Rockefeller Foundation (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003);Google Scholar
  17. J. Gillespie, ‘The Rockefeller Foundation and Colonial Medicine in the Pacific’ in L. Bryder and D. Dow (ed.) New Countries, Old Medicine (Auckland: Auckland University Press, 1995);Google Scholar
  18. M. Cueto (ed.) The Missionaries of Health (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1994);Google Scholar
  19. C.J. Shepherd, ‘Imperial Science: The Rockefeller Foundation and Agricultural Science in Peru, 1940–1960’, Science as Culture, 14 (2005): 113–37.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  20. 10.
    See for example, M. Worboys, ‘Manson, Ross and colonial medical policy: tropical medicine in London and Liverpool, 1899–1914’ in R. Macleod and M. Lewis (eds) Disease, Medicine and Empire: Perspectives on Western Medicine and the Experience of European Expansion (London: Routledge, 1988); A. Marcovich, ‘French colonial medicine and colonial rule: Algeria and Indochina’ in Macleod and Lewis (eds) Disease, Medicine and Empire;Google Scholar
  21. A.M. Moulin, ‘Tropical without the Tropics: The Turning-Point of Pastorian Medicine in North Africa’ in D. Arnold (ed.), Warm Climates and Western Medicine (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1996), pp. 160–80;Google Scholar
  22. A. Bashford, ‘“Is White Australia Possible?” race, colonialism and tropical medicine in the early twentieth century’, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 23 (2000): 112–35;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  23. D.M. Haynes, Imperial Medicine: Patrick Manson and the Conquest of Tropical Disease (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  24. 11.
    See M. Harrison, Climates and Constitutions (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999);Google Scholar
  25. W. Anderson, Cultivation of Whiteness: Science, Health and Racial Destiny in Australia (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 2002).Google Scholar
  26. 12.
    But see D. Armus (ed.) Disease and the History of Modern Latin America: from Malaria to AIDS (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2003);Google Scholar
  27. W. Anderson, ‘“Where every prospect pleases and only man is vile”: laboratory medicine as colonial discourse’ in V. Rafael (ed.) Discrepant Histories: Translocal Essays on Filipino Cultures (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1995).Google Scholar
  28. 13.
    For the former, see R. Acheson and P. Poole, ‘The London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine: A child of many parents’, Medical History, 35 (1991): 385–408;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  29. D. Fisher, ‘Rockefeller Philanthropy and the British Empire: The Creation of the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine’, History of Education, 7 (1978): 129–43.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  30. 15.
    But see see Stern and Markel, ‘International Efforts’; R. Hankins, ‘The World Health Organization and Immunology Research and Training, 1961–1974’, Medical History, 45 (2001): 243–66.Google Scholar
  31. 16.
    D. Chakrabarty, Provincialising Europe: postcolonial thought and historical difference (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000).Google Scholar
  32. 17.
    See S. Amrith, A New Utopia: International Health and the End of Empire in Asia (London: Palgrave, 2006).Google Scholar
  33. U. Baxi, ‘Global Neighbourhood and Universal Otherhood’ cited in O. Aginam, ‘The Nineteenth-century Colonial Fingerprints on Public Health Diplomacy: A Postcolonial View’, Law, Social Justice and Global Development Journal, 1 (2003); See also N.B. King ‘Security, Disease, Commerce: Ideologies of Post-Colonial Global Health’ Social Studies of Sciences, 32 (2002): 763–89;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  34. N.B. King, ‘The Scale Politics of Emerging Diseases’, Osiris, 19 (2004): 62–76.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  35. 19.
    N. Shah, Contagious Divides: Epidemics and Race in San Francisco’s Chinatown (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001);Google Scholar
  36. A.L. Fairchild, Science at the Borders: Immigrant Medical Inspection and the Shaping of the Modern Industrial Labor Force (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003);Google Scholar
  37. A. Bashford, Imperial Hygiene: a critical history of colonialism, nationalism and public health (London: Palgrave, 2004), ch. 6.Google Scholar
  38. 20.
    See P. Zylberman in this volume; M. Harrison, ‘Cholera theory and sanitary policy’ in his Public Health in British India: Anglo-Indian Preventive Medicine, 1859–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994).Google Scholar
  39. 21.
    H. Markel, ‘“Knocking out the Cholera”: Cholera, Class and Quarantines in New York City, 1892’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 69 (1995): 420–57.Google Scholar
  40. 27.
    For the latter, see for example, H. Deacon, ‘The Politics of Medical Topography: seeking healthiness at the Cape during the nineteenth century’ in R. Wrigley and G. Revill (eds) Pathologies of Travel (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2000) pp. 279–98;Google Scholar
  41. L. Bryder, ‘“A Health Resort for Consumptives”: Tuberculosis and Immigration to New Zealand, 1880–1914’, Medical History, 40 (1996): 453–71.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  42. 28.
    R. Coker, ‘Compulsory screening of immigrants for tuberculosis and HIV: is not based on adequate evidence, and has practical and ethical problems’, British Medical Journal, 328 (2004): 298–300;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  43. R. Coker, Migration, public health and compulsory screening for TB and HIV (London: Institute for Public Policy Research, 2003).Google Scholar
  44. 29.
    M. Griffiths and T. O’Callaghan, International Relations: the key concepts (London: Routledge, 2002), pp. 126–7.Google Scholar
  45. 30.
    J.A. Scholte, Globalization (London: Palgrave, 2000), p. 16.Google Scholar
  46. 31.
    For example, K. Lee, K. Buse, S. Fustukian (eds) Health Policy in a Globalising World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002);Google Scholar
  47. G. Berlinguer, ‘Globalization and Global Health’, International Journal of Health Services, 29 (1999): 579–95; M.E. Wilson, ‘Travel and the Emergence of Infectious Diseases’, Emerging Infectious Diseases, 1 (1995).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  48. 32.
    A.G. Hopkins, ‘The History of Globalization — and the Globalization of History?’ in Hopkins (ed.) Globalization in World History, Pimlico, 2002, pp. 11–46;Google Scholar
  49. M. Geyer and C. Bright, ‘World History in a Global Age’, American Historical Review, 100 (1994): 1034–60;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  50. B. Mazlich, ‘Comparing Global History to World History’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 28 (1998): 385–95.Google Scholar
  51. 33.
    Le Roy Ladurie, ‘The Unification of the Globe by Disease’ in The Mind and Method of the Historian (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981);Google Scholar
  52. I. Catanach, ‘The “Globalization” of Disease? India and the Plague’, Journal of World History, 12 (2001): 131–53;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  53. S. Watts, Disease and Medicine in World History (London and New York: Routledge, 2003); D. Igler, ‘Diseased Goods: Global Exchanges in the Eastern Pacific Basin, 1770–1850’ American Historical Review, 109 (2004);Google Scholar
  54. D. Arnold, ‘The Indian Ocean as a Disease Zone, 1500–1950’, South Asia, 14 (1991): 1–21.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  55. 34.
    But see R. Packard, P. Brown, H. Frumkin, R.K. Berkelman (eds) Emerging Illnesses: Negotiating the public health agenda (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2004);Google Scholar
  56. K. Loughlin and V. Berridge, Global Health Governance: Historical Dimensions of Global Governance (London: London School of Hygiene & Tropical Medicine and World Health Organization, 2002).Google Scholar
  57. 35.
    See P. Finney (ed.), International History (London: Palgrave, 2005). The absence of any discussion of international health organizations in this collection characterizes the current lack of integration of these fields.Google Scholar
  58. 36.
    This idea is developed in A. Bashford, ‘Global biopolitics and the history of world health’, History of the Human Sciences, 19 (2006): 67–88.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  59. 37.
    C. Loh and Civic Exchange (eds) At the Epicentre: Hong Kong and the SARS Outbreak (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 2004).Google Scholar
  60. 38.
    See for example, E. Fee and T.M. Brown, ‘Pre-emptive Biopreparedness: Can We Learn Anything from History?’, American Journal of Public Health, 91 (2001): 721–5;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  61. N. Yand and X. Wang, ‘Disease Prevention, Social Mobilization and Spatial Politics: the Anti-Germ-Warfare Incident of 1952 and the “Patriotic Health Campaign”’, Chinese Historical Review, 11 (2004): 155–82;Google Scholar
  62. R. Rogaski, ‘Nature, Annihilation and Modernity: China’s Korean War German-Warfare Experience Reconsidered’, Journal of Asian Studies, 61 (2002): 381–415;CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  63. B. Balmer, Britain and Biological Warfare: Expert Advice and Science Policy, 1930–1965 (London: Macmillan, 2001);CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  64. S.H. Harris, Factories of Death: Japanese Biological Warfare, 1932–45 and the American Cover-up (New York: Routledge, 2002).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  65. 41.
    For example, A. Crosby, Ecological Imperialism: the biological expansion of Europe, 900–1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004);CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  66. K.F. Kiple and S.V. Beck (eds) Biological Consequences of the European expansion, 1450–1800 (Ashgate, 1997);Google Scholar
  67. G.W. Lovell, ‘“The Heavy Shadows and Black Night”: Disease and Depopulation in Colonial Spanish America’, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 82 (1992): 426–43.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

Copyright information

© Alison Bashford 2007

Authors and Affiliations

  • Alison Bashford

There are no affiliations available

Personalised recommendations