Zimbabwe pp 13-35 | Cite as

ZANU-PF and MDC Power-Sharing: Zimbabwe Still at a Crossroads?

  • Siphamandla Zondi

Abstract

For nine years Zimbabwe descended into an abyss of a political-cum-economic crisis. This led to a gradual decline of the economy, political polarization, and the disintegration of the state. During all this time, neither loud diplomacy by the West, nor “quiet” diplomacy by African states could lead Zimbabwe out of the conflict. With the signing of the Global Political Agreement (GPA) between the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) and the two Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) factions in September 2008, Zimbabwe finally edged closer to finding the long-elusive political settlement and a formula for establishing a new political and economic dispensation. Four months earlier Zimbabwe had witnessed relatively free and fair elections for the first time in many years, only for the situation to degenerate again into an orgy of political violence and intolerance in the run-up to the presidential runoff elections in June 2008.

Keywords

Presidential Election Southern African Development Community African Union Peace Process Constitutional Amendment 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Notes

  1. 1.
    See I. William Zartman, Ripe for Resolution (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985). The transition from conflict and mistrust to peace and mutual trust happens when effective mediation happens at a moment ripe for resolution. One key ingredient of ripeness is that conflict begins to hurt the core interests and resources of the parties to the conflict; the other is when unilateral means of exiting conflict, either suppression or resistance, are blocked and parties feel they are in a costly and uncomfortable predicament. So, realizing or even catalyzing the ripeness of time for conflict resolution is the basic essence of diplomacy because good diplomacy is about doing the right thing at the right time. The underlying assumption is that parties in conflict are rational actors who, when their unilateral pursuit of satisfactory results is blocked, seek alternative ways out of the impasse. Mediation, arbitration, and other diplomatic interventions are attractive alternatives to perpetual and mutually hurting stalemate and conflict. In this perspective, a skilful mediator is able to persuade parties that time is ripe for negotiated settlement by demonstrating the stalemate is hurting the strategic interests of the parties or their key constituencies.Google Scholar
  2. I. William Zartman, “The Timing of Peace Initiatives: Hurting Stalemates and Ripe Moments,” The Global Review of Ethnopolitics 1, no. 1 (2001): 3.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  3. 4.
    Dumiso Dabengwa, “ZIPRA in the Zimbabwe War of Liberation,” in Soldiers in Zimbabwe’s Liberation War, eds. N. Bhebhe and T. Ranger (London: James Currey, 1995), 24–35Google Scholar
  4. Jocelyn Alexander, Joanne McGregor, and Terence Ranger, Violence and Memory: A Hundred Years in the Dark Forests of Matabeleland (London: James Currey, 2000).Google Scholar
  5. 5.
    Alois Mlambo, “The Ambiguities of Independence, Zimbabwe 1980–1990,” in Unfinished Business: The Land Crisis in Southern Africa, eds. Margaret Lee and Karen Colvard (Pretoria: Africa Institute of South Africa, 2003), 195–222.Google Scholar
  6. 9.
    John Robertson, “The State of the Economy,” paper presented at the Zimbabwe at the Crossroads Seminar, Tshwane, South Africa, October 2007.Google Scholar
  7. 14.
    S. Moyo, “The Political Economy of Land Acquisition and Redistribution in Zimbabwe, 1990–1999,” Journal of Southern African Studies 26, no. 1 (2000): 5–28.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
  8. 16.
    Paul Boateng, “Zimbabwe Broke the Land Deal,” newzimbabwe.com, December 15, 2008. http://www.newzimbabwe.com/pages/farm59.16552.html.Google Scholar
  9. 19.
    Justin Pearce, “Mugabe’s Costly Congo Venture,” BBC News Online, July 25, 2000. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/611898.stm.Google Scholar
  10. 20.
    Author’s interviews with constitutional experts, Harare, May 20–26, 2007. See also Amnesty International, “Zimbabwe: Constitutional Reform—An Opportunity to Strengthen Human Rights,” February 2, 2000. http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/AFR46/001/2000.Google Scholar
  11. 21.
    Chris Maroleng, “Zimbabwe: Increased Securitization of the State,” Institute for Security Studies Situation Report, Pretoria, 2005, 5.Google Scholar
  12. 23.
    Bertha Chiroro, “Apathy, Fatigue or Boycott? An Analysis of 2005 Zimbabwe Senate Elections,” EISA Occasional Paper No. 38, November 2005.Google Scholar
  13. 45.
    Mark Ellis, “Robert Mugabe Signs Historic Powersharing Deal With Bitter Political Enemy,” September 16, 2008. http://www.mirror.co.uk/news-old/top-stories/2008/09/16/robert-mugabe-signs-historic-powersharing-deal-with-bitter-political-enemy-115875-20738423/.Google Scholar
  14. 47.
    Chris McGreal, “Tsvangirai Threatens to Quit Zimbabwe Deal After Mugabe Seizes Cabinet Posts,” guardian.co.uk, October 12, 2008. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/oct/12/zimbabwe1.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Hany Besada 2011

Authors and Affiliations

  • Siphamandla Zondi

There are no affiliations available

Personalised recommendations