Abstract
When the Eurosceptic Conservatives and the pro-European Liberal Democrats entered into coalition, their constructive approach to Europe took commentators by surprise. An analysis of the leaders’ speeches demonstrates that they were instrumentally identified on the belief that membership of a reformed EU was in Britain’s national interest. In 2013, Cameron adopted a harder Eurosceptic position and emphasized the differences between Britain and Europe. He thus limited the possibility of ideological identification, leaving appeals to the national interest as his only rhetorical option. The chapter then examines two parliamentary debates, revealing that Eurosceptic Conservatives used the concept of parliamentary sovereignty to differentiate themselves ideologically from the Coalition’s position. This strategy proved highly effective in rallying backbench support for the EU (Referendum) Bill.
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Notes
- 1.
As Hayek explains, ‘Wherever the barriers to the free exercise of human ingenuity were removed man became rapidly able to satisfy ever-widening ranges of desire. And while the rising standard soon led to the discovery of very dark spots in society … there was probably no class that did not substantially benefit from the general advance’ (2004: 16–17).
- 2.
The primary responsibility for the Bill lay with William Hague and the Conservative Minister for Europe, David Lidington . However, the Liberal Democrats Nick Clegg and Chris Huhne (the deputy chair of the European Affairs Committee) were also actively involved in the process (Hazell and Yong 2012: 165).
- 3.
Echoing this point, James Clappison (Conservative) asserted that: ‘Whether we have a referendum under the circumstances detailed in the Bill depends on whether Ministers think they are significant enough. What a thing! Ministers are to decide whether something is significant enough, and the explanatory notes to the Bill then tell us that anyone who is aggrieved by such a decision should go off to the courts to seek a judicial review. What on earth is Parliament for?’ (HC Deb., 7 December 2010, vol. 520 col. 251).
- 4.
See Jenkin (2017).
- 5.
Laura Sandys (Conservative) made a similar point, saying: ‘had we discussed referendums—or had we had passed such a Bill six, seven or eight years ago—we would not face the level of distrust in the country that we are facing because of the Lisbon treaty ’ (HC Deb., 7 December 2010, vol. 520 col. 244).
- 6.
Likewise, the Conservative MP Nick de Bois argued that: ‘There is wiggle room in the Bill, and that is not good because we are attempting not just to pass a Bill, but to rebuild trust between the British people and the Government by challenging the transfer of powers in our relationship with Europe … it is the little grey areas of wiggle room that are, in effect, a Trojan horse that can be exploited and undermine the genuine attempts of the Bill to protect any transfer of power’ (HC Deb., 7 December 2010, vol. 520 col. 258).
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Atkins, J. (2018). The European Union. In: Conflict, Co-operation and the Rhetoric of Coalition Government. Rhetoric, Politics and Society. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-31796-4_5
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