Abstract
Transnational politics reflect the changes in the perception of migration, increasingly linking the question of identity and participation beyond borders. This chapter attempts to show how transnational politics of integration has become a way to re-territorialise globalised identities and how it creates a new configuration of the nation and nationalism and territory and power within globalisation. Communities, based upon cultural, ethnic, religious identifications, and recognised as such by states that increasingly rely on transnational solidarity, have sparked new upsurges of nationalism, accompanied by new forms of subjectivity which claim to be non-territorial. States, on the other hand, expand their nationalism in order to maintain the “power” of incorporation and citizenship, while expanding their influence beyond their territories, and compete with transnational communities in their engagement in the process of globalisation.
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Notes
- 1.
See John Breuilly, Nationalism and the State (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1982), p. 52.
- 2.
Yen Le Espiritu, Asian-American Panethnicity. Bridging Institutions and Identities (Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 1992).
- 3.
Ibid.
- 4.
The same goes for people linked by the Spanish language, but of different nationalities and “races ”. They have defined a Latino identity in reaction to so-called ethnic policies but also according to their own cultural and political motivations, that is, resistance to assimilation , affective ties with the country of origin and a new conception of “political community ” that ties together several spaces. See, in particular, Michael Jones-Correa, Between Two Nations, The Political Predicament of Latinos in New York City (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998).
- 5.
Typology drawn up by C. Gans in The Limits of Nationalism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003), Chap. 1.
- 6.
The fight against racism and the exclusion was originally the official motivation of the European Parliament which, in 1986, had formed the Immigrants’ Forum. Dissolved in 2001, the Forum sought out “a place of expression for the non-community populations established in Europe, through which they could establish their claims and disseminate information from European authorities ”. Exception and complementarity in Europe, in: (1994) 10 Revue Européenne des Migrations Internationales, pp. 95–109. According to the Forum’s attaché to the Commission of the European Community, the goal was to provide third-world country nationals with “the same opportunities and the same rights as natives, thereby compensating for the absence of democracy”.
- 7.
It is important to note, however, that identification with the Muslim world does not necessarily imply identification with the Arab world. Attitudes towards conflicts often constitute the dividing line between national Muslim communities. In Great Britain, for instance, the majority of the Muslim population of Indian and Pakistani stock does not identify with Arab nationalism. In Germany, the Turks felt mainly concerned by the war in Kosovo which sparked identification with the Bosnian Muslims because of their historic and cultural ties. But it is, above all, the Israeli-Palestinian war that, without a doubt, provides elements by which to analyse territorial and non-territorial attachments, local and global conflict, state nationalism and transnational nationalism and their complex interrelations.
- 8.
Benedict Anderson, “Long-distance Nationalism”, in: Spectres of Comparisons: Nationalism in Southeastern Asia and the World (London: Verso Books, 1998), pp. 58–74.
- 9.
In reference to Benedict Anderson’s article, “Long-distance Nationalism”, note above.
- 10.
More than four million people who migrated from Turkey presently live in Europe. Having arrived in great numbers since the 1960s following agreements between Turkey and European countries, in particular Germany, their migration was mainly economic. Their dispersion in different West European countries sets them apart from postcolonial migration. In contrast to the North African migrants in France and the populations from the Indian subcontinent in Great Britain, the Turkish migrants have settled across Europe, although the majority lives in Germany.
- 11.
For a complete analysis of the concept, see the work of S. Dufoix, especially Notion, concept ou slogan: qu’y a-t-il sous le terme de diaspora? Communication au Colloque “2000 ans de diaspora”, Poitiers, February 2002. See, also, Diasporas, Paris: Presse Universitaires France, 2003 (Que sais-je? collection).
- 12.
The usage of the Hebrew term specifically rejects the concept of exile (Hebrew: Galut, גָּלוּת).
- 13.
See H. Seton-Watson, Nations and States. An Inquiry into the Origins of Nations and the Politics of Nationalism (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1977); see, especially, Chap. 10, “Diaspora Nations”, pp. 383–417.
- 14.
See P. Levitt and R. de La Dehesa, “Transnational Migration and the Redefinition of the State: Variations and Explanation” (2003) 26 Ethnic and Racial Studies, pp. 587–611.
- 15.
Bud Goodall, Angela Trethewey and Kelly McDonald, Strategic Ambiguity, Communication and Public Diplomacy in an Uncertain World. Principles and Practices, report presented to the Consortium for Strategic Communication, Phoenix, Arizona State University, 21 June 2006.
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Kastoryano, R. (2018). Transnational Politics of Integration and an “Imagined Global Diaspora”. In: Fossum, J., Kastoryano, R., Siim, B. (eds) Diversity and Contestations over Nationalism in Europe and Canada. Palgrave Studies in European Political Sociology. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-58987-3_3
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