Abstract
This concluding chapter extends the definitional understanding of the notion of tribalism and uses it to probe the limits and pitfalls of mainstream sociolinguistic methodological and conceptual approaches that bear the hallmarks of colonially invented or -imposed notions of ‘tribes,’ ‘tribalism’ and ‘standard languages.’ The overall intention is to suggest alternative and quite contemporary theorization on language and society, which could help scholars push back the frontiers of colonially inherited understandings of language that do not sit well with the real language practices of real people in everyday real life in southern Africa. A major line of argument advanced is that the genealogy of all ‘named’ (i.e., officially recognized and shaped as entities in its own right, or Einzelsprache) African languages, including those covered in the preceding chapters of this volume, takes us back to the colonial archives of western knowledges about Africa and African identities and of indigenous knowledges that were suppressed, erased or lost under colonial rule. The chapter concludes by calling for a conscious epistemological turnaround in scholarly debates and research on the social and political histories of African languages.
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Notes
- 1.
Following decolonization, colonies were mechanically made into nation-states in emulation of the European model of one state for one nation that would ideally speak and write a single language. Other ethnic groups than the dominant one were construed as ‘minorities,’ and their ‘old fashioned’ or ‘incorrect’ languages or dialects were to be eradicated for the sake of ‘national unity’ (i.e., ethnolinguistic homogeneity) through universal compulsory elementary education and obligatory military service for all males. In the decolonized sub-Saharan Africa, all the population of a given colony-turned-nation-state was construed as the nation, but instead of making the language(s) of the dominant ethnic group(s) official and national in the postcolonial nation-state, typically, the erstwhile colonial language was adopted by the postcolonial (indigenous) elites as ‘national and official.’ In turn, the desire for the employment of indigenous languages in public life, especially state offices and schools, was sternly branded as seditious ‘tribalism.’ Such ‘tribalism’ invariably seen as a danger to ‘national integration’ (among others, through the medium of the colonial-turned-postcolonial language) is invariably suppressed (cf. Justice 1977; MacGaffey 1982). Unlike in Europe, in sub-Saharan Africa’s nation-states, indigenous ethnic groups with their languages and practices are seen as ‘tribes.’ Hence, they are not even ‘minorities,’ for whom—since the interwar period—some cultural and linguistic rights have been guaranteed by international law in Europe. Paradoxically, those who speak ‘tribal’ (indigenous) languages and have not gained fluency in the postcolonial (Western) language and university education constitute the overwhelming majority in sub-Saharan Africa. Due to this insidious cultural imperialism, their knowledge of indigenous languages is a liability, and they are excluded from full participation in public life, thus made into ‘postcolonial neo-natives.’
- 2.
It is even hardly realized in the west that the concept of a discrete language (Einzelsprache) is not a reflection of the naturally continuous linguistic, but an instrument for shaping the linguistic as developed and employed for the purpose in Europe. Prior to the colonial expansion of the west, the linguistic was construed of and practiced in a variety of ways across the non-western areas and in the west’s ‘non-modern’ rural areas located far away from state capitals (cf. Kamusella 2016).
- 3.
Intelligibility, though often proposed in this role, is not the basic principle for creating and separating languages. In reality, this function is served by politics, as clearly exemplified by the story of the now defunct Serbo-Croatian language. It was created in the late nineteenth century from the merger of Croatian and Serbian, but in the wake of the breakup of Yugoslavia, this language split, thus far, yielding Bosnian, Croatian, Montenegrin and Serbian as separate languages in their own right (Greenberg 2004). The story is very similar to the fashioning and refashioning of Nguni and Sotho/Tswana, and Shona and Thonga. The crucial difference is that while in southern Africa these languages are impositions of the erstwhile colonial administrations, in the case of Serbo-Croatian, the creation and the subsequent breakup of this language were decided by the indigenous elites.
- 4.
Interestingly, the interwar Soviet Union, officially dubbed as ‘language engineers’ (iazykovoie stroitele) (Isaev 1979), or colonial agents-cum-experts dispatched from Moscow, created a multitude of brand-new languages (Einzelsprachen) in the former tsarist empire’s far-flung areas (cf. Asimova 1982; Bergne 2007). Subsequently, on the basis of these newly produced languages, such experts developed numerous ethnic identities which served as a justification for the creation of national union republics (Hirsch 2005; Martin 2001). In the wake of the 1991 dissolution of the Soviet Union, this federation’s union republics became independent nation-states, where (unlike in southern Africa) the invented languages were elevated to the status of the sole official and national language, to the rapid exclusion of the imperial tongue of Russian (cf. Kellner-Heinkele and Landau 2012).
- 5.
We bunch up northern Africa with Eurasia only tentatively, because when peering underneath the unifying blanket of the singularly named Arabic language, the situation is rather similar to that in sub-Saharan Africa. Standard Arabic (Fusha) based on the language of the Quran is not an indigenous language of any contemporary speech community. Arabic speakers acquire it, alongside literacy in Fusha, at school, but in everyday life, they speak varieties construed as ‘dialects of Arabic’ that are as different from one another as German from English, or French from Italian. Fusha in northern Africa is a legacy of the Arab conquest of this region during the second half of the seventh century. A colonial language has failed to become a vernacular of the population, but to this day serves as a badge of difference and distinction for the narrow elite who use Fusha (alongside some more recent postcolonial languages, usually French or English) to separate themselves from the masses with no adequate access to education. The situation would be similar if in today’s France or Portugal Latin had continued as the sole official language of administration and literate culture (Bassiouney 2009; Ferguson 1959; Holes 2004).
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Ndhlovu, F., Kamusella, T. (2018). Challenging Intellectural Colonialism: The Rarely Noticed Question of Methodological Tribalism in Language Research. In: Kamusella, T., Ndhlovu, F. (eds) The Social and Political History of Southern Africa's Languages. Palgrave Macmillan, London. https://doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-01593-8_22
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