Abstract
The long Chinese history can be understood as a succession of dynasties, each beginning with a virtuous ruler and ending with an unworthy one. At the core of these cycles lies the enduring political philosophy question: what defines a good ruler? And what legitimises their power? This chapter aims to explore the notion of legitimacy within the Chinese historical context, analysing its impact on the nation’s structural political framework and decision-making processes. It also delves into the contemporary implications this concept holds for the CCP. This chapter argues that the economic performance of the CCP serves as a crucial pillar supporting its legitimacy in the short to medium term. However, as we look towards the future, it becomes evident that two distinct factors can potentially instigate shifts in its legitimacy over the long haul. The first stems from domestic challenges, such as rising inequality, changing expectations, substantial debt burden, and demographic transformations. The second factor involves dramatic transformation in the global environment that may prompt the CCP’s internal ecology to change and adapt.
“Everything must be addressed according to its essence, the essence of a country is people, and the essence for people is food.” (Wu, 2021)
—Emperor Taizong of Tang dynasty (598–649 CE)
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Notes
- 1.
Zhang and Cheng (2016).
- 2.
Ibid.
- 3.
Davis and Puett (2015).
- 4.
- 5.
Ibid.
- 6.
Ibid.
- 7.
Chen (2012).
- 8.
Duanmu et al. (2022).
- 9.
Ibid.
- 10.
Mencius et al. (2022).
- 11.
Wong et al. (1991).
- 12.
Daniel (2016).
- 13.
Lu and Shi (2015).
- 14.
Allison (2019).
- 15.
The Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China (2013).
- 16.
Zhang and Cheng (2016).
- 17.
People’s Daily (2020).
- 18.
Lin (1987).
- 19.
Lin (1988).
- 20.
- 21.
Lin (1987).
- 22.
Weber (2021).
- 23.
Lin (1992).
- 24.
The State Council Information Office of the People’s Republic of China (2019).
- 25.
World Bank; Development Research Center of the State Council, the People’s Republic of China (2022).
- 26.
- 27.
World Bank; Development Research Center of the State Council, the People’s Republic of China (2022).
- 28.
Liu (2013).
- 29.
Holbig and Gilley (2010).
- 30.
Ibid.
- 31.
Xinhua News Agency (2012).
- 32.
Lu and Shi (2015).
- 33.
The Economist (2021).
- 34.
Ibid.
- 35.
Nikkei Asia (2022).
- 36.
Saich (2020).
- 37.
Choyleva (2020).
- 38.
Bloomberg News (2022).
- 39.
Lee (2022).
- 40.
Pettis (2022).
- 41.
Ibid.
- 42.
Chen et al. (2017).
- 43.
Ibid.
- 44.
Ibid.
- 45.
Ibid.
- 46.
Choyleva (2020).
- 47.
Pettis (2022).
- 48.
Tan (2021)
- 49.
Ibid.
- 50.
Luo (2021).
- 51.
Jackson et al. (2009).
- 52.
OECD (2019).
- 53.
Ibid.
- 54.
Ibid.
- 55.
Zheng (2020).
- 56.
Zheng (2019).
- 57.
Wright (2022).
- 58.
Jackson et al. (2009).
- 59.
Ibid.
- 60.
The State Council Information Office of the People’s Republic of China (2022).
- 61.
Jackson et al. (2009).
- 62.
Saich (2020).
- 63.
Caixin (2021).
- 64.
Xi (2022).
- 65.
Tian et al. (2007).
- 66.
Ibid.
- 67.
Hua et al. (2018).
- 68.
Ibid.
- 69.
Ibid.
- 70.
David (2007).
- 71.
Ibid.
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Dong, J. (2023). Crafting Legitimacy: The Entangling Balancing Act. In: Chinese Statecraft in a Changing World. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-6453-6_2
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