Introduction

The Cham people have a rich history and culture that has been shaped by various events and changes throughout time. Despite the changes, the basic social classes of traditional Cham society still persist in the communities of Ninh Thuan and Binh Thuan, particularly the Halau Janâng and the civilian population (Phan, 2010). This traditional society is responsible for managing and preserving the natural resources, religion, and culture of the Cham people. In addition, in the Cham community, there are two types of custodians who are responsible for managing and protecting sacred sites and natural resources. These custodians include the dignitaries, who directly perform ceremonies and manage sacred sites, and the knowledgeable elders who assist the dignitaries. The rituals performed in temples serve the larger community, while those performed in village palei are specific to each family or clan. This study aims to shed light on the traditional management systems of the Cham people, including their agricultural and religious systems, with a focus on the religious folk and Ahier religious priest systems. These systems are essential in preserving the natural resources, religion, and culture of the Cham people and are carried out by key custodians of the temples.

Religion and Culture in Cham Society: A Deep-Rooted Connection

Religion holds a vital place in the lives of the Cham people, shaping their spiritual beliefs, daily practices, and cultural identity. The interweaving of religion and culture in Cham society is so close that many individuals find it difficult to distinguish between the two. For the Cham, practicing spirituality is also a way of preserving their cultural traditions.

The Cham people, like other Southeast Asian communities, have a strong Indigenous agricultural tradition, particularly in the practice of wet rice farming. This matriarchal system has dominated all aspects of Cham society and serves as a guiding principle in their religious beliefs and ceremonies. The original folk beliefs of the Cham people are similar to those of other ethnic groups, with Brahmanism playing a significant role in shaping the Cham cultural identity.

The Cham temples, considered as a legacy of Hindu-related culture, were present in Champā as early as the fourth century. Hinduism was highly respected and dominant in the region from the seventh century to the twelfth century. However, the practice of this religion declined after the defeat of Champā in 1471. The nobility in the southern region of Champā embraced a syncretistic religion that incorporated several forms of worship practiced by the local community (Sharma, 1992, p. 32). Overall, religion has played a vital role in shaping the Cham culture and continues to be deeply intertwined with their daily lives and spiritual beliefs.

The Cham people have a rich and diverse religious history, which has played an integral role in their spiritual life, daily life, and culture. When Brahmin religion was first introduced into Champā, the Cham people built temples to worship Hindu gods such as Shiva, Brahma, and Vishnu. The influence of Shivaism was particularly profound, and ancient Cham temples in Central Vietnam today still bear symbols of this god.

Alongside the development of Brahmanism, Buddhism also played a role in Cham religious history. During the ninth century, King Indravarman II built a monastery in Indrapura to practice Mahayana Buddhism, which intersected with Brahmanism. However, Buddhism faded out in the tenth century, and the Cham people returned to Hinduism.

In the tenth century, Islam also began to spread among the Cham people. At first, this new religion was met with resistance, but from the 11th to the seventeenth centuries, it continued to grow. This resulted in conflicts between the Brahmin and Islamic religions, which led to the concept of “dualism” introduced by King Po Rome in the mid-seventeenth century. This concept allowed the two religious communities to live and work together as “two but one,” expressed in rituals such as weddings and funerals and the dress of the priests of both religions. In short, the religious history of the Cham people reflects the diversity and complexity of their culture, and the ways in which religion and spirituality have shaped their daily lives.

The unique blending of Brahman and Islam in Cham history has resulted in the creation of two local religions, Ahier and Awal. The Ahier followers worship both Hindu gods as well as Allah, while the Awal worship both Allah and the Hindu gods of the Cham Ahier. The Cham Ahier and Awal communities have found a way to coexist and reconcile their religious differences through the concept of “duality.” This concept is reflected in various aspects of Cham culture, including rituals, dress, and religious practices. The creation of Ahier and Awal has also led to the development of different systems of priests that serve the spiritual needs of the Cham community. In this research, the focus will be on the systems of folk and Ahier beliefs and their connection to the temples. These two religions have become a distinct part of Vietnam’s religious heritage and continue to be practiced by the Cham people to this day.

Traditional Cham culture, which encompasses the traditional culture of Southeast Asian wet rice, has undergone a process of localization and has merged with other religions to form the common culture of the Cham people. Despite the changes in doctrines and the divine system, the worship of the Cham people remains strong, including the system of ceremonies and religious and folk priests (Anh, 2004).

Cham communities have maintained over one hundred ceremonies held throughout the year (Sakaya, 2003). The ritual system is both rich and complex, and religious and folk dignitaries play a significant role. The folk ritual system of the Cham people is diverse and is a mixture of folk and religious ceremonies (Bien et al., 1991; Sakaya, 2003). As a result, the system of ceremonies can sometimes be difficult to distinguish, with folk dignitaries attending several religious ceremonies and religious dignitaries participating in some folk rituals.

Agricultural Management System in Traditional Cham Culture

The Agricultural Management System of the Cham people is responsible for overseeing and serving the community in regard to their agricultural activities. This system includes three key figures: On Banak, who manages irrigation systems; On Hamu Aia, who manages water systems; and Po Pariya Hamu, who presides over agricultural ceremonies.

Po Pariya Hamu is in charge of conducting rituals and ceremonies related to the folk beliefs and agricultural production. To become a Po Pariya Hamu, one must receive knowledge and training from a teacher. On Banak is responsible for the maintenance of dams and the regulation of water sources to rice fields. He also organizes the village to repair irrigation systems and resolves disputes concerning irrigation. On Hamu Aia, appointed by On Banak, assists in the mobilization of workers for irrigation and collects compensation from those who do not participate.

While On Banak and On Hamu Aia focus on the technical aspects of irrigation management, Po Pariya Hamu offers a spiritual perspective, performing rituals to ensure the stability of the dams and protect them from evil spirits. However, since 1975, the agricultural ritual system and its dignitaries have disappeared.

Management Systems in Relation to Religious Practices

The Civilian Class (Gihéh)

The civilian class is a key group that operates outside the religious hierarchy, serving as a support for dignitaries who organize rituals and festivals for communities, villages, clans, and families. They assist in collecting funds to build or renovate religious sites and participate in the conduct of religious rituals. Civil society is composed of two groups: intellectuals and farmers, who have distinct backgrounds and roles in their collaboration with religious priests (Phan, 2010).

The intellectuals, who are often retired state employees, farmers, or researchers, play a crucial role in supporting the dignitaries and adapting religious regulations to modern Cham social life. They are nominated to the Village Custom Committee and the Council of Religious Dignitaries, serving as the closest connection between village members and the religious activities. They inform village members about religious activities, mobilize funds, and prepare for ceremonies.

Meanwhile, ordinary people contribute to the spiritual activities of the Cham community by helping to prepare offerings and tools for ceremonies. They do not seek personal gain, but rather contribute out of a sense of duty and responsibility as “sons” of Cham after a period of working in state agencies. According to Cham intellectuals, participation in community spiritual activities brings blessings from the Yang gods, as well as opportunities to learn about Cham culture and religion and connect with others in the community.

Both the Cham Ahier and Awal communities have this civilian class to support their spiritual activities, and their role is greatly valued and respected by the Cham communities.

The Folk Dignitaries

The Cham people, following polytheistic beliefs, formed the folk dignitaries to conduct various folk ceremonies. These dignitaries play a crucial role in both the Cham Ahier and Awal communities, contributing greatly to the preservation of Cham cultural heritage. They are responsible for performing ceremonies not only at temples but also for crucial rituals such as Rija, agricultural, and Kut ceremonies, among others.

The distinction between Cham Ahier and Awal religions is blurred among the folk dignitaries, as they share the same traditional beliefs. They work closely with both Ahier and Awal dignitaries to conduct these ceremonies. The folk dignitaries have many parts as follows:

On Kadhar priest and Muk Pajuw: They are two important folk dignitaries in Cham communities. They participate in various rituals and ceremonies related to Cham folk beliefs, including those performed at temples, family gatherings, and the Kut, Ngap puis, and Ngap Chwa ceremonies. The Kadhar is a skilled musician who provides musical accompaniment on a traditional instrument called the kanyi and is responsible for singing hymns in praise of the gods during these rituals.

Muk Pajuw is a female medium who invites the gods to be worshipped (Mâliéng yang) and prepares offerings for ceremonies and dances to celebrate their success. As a priestess or prophetess, Pajuw is often believed to be the one who communicates with the spirits during ceremonies and rituals. To maintain the purity of their spiritual connection, Muk Pajuw follows a strict diet, avoiding certain foods such as beef, eel, catfish, dead animals, and fruits such as seeded bananas and figs (Fig. 3.1).

Fig. 3.1
Six photos. Muk Pajuw, Ong Kadhar, On Camnei, Muk Rija, Ong Ka-ing, Gru Urang, respectively.

The folk dignitaries (Courtesy of the author, 2017)

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The positions of Ong Kadhar and Muk Pajuw are traditionally passed down through hereditary lines, with Ong Kadhar being passed from father to son, and Muk Pajuw from mother to daughter. However, at present, there are no longer any women assuming the role of Muk Pajuw at the Po Romé temple. This is a cause for concern as it means that a crucial part of the Cham community’s role in conducting ceremonies at temples and families may be lost. To mitigate this, families near the Po Romé temple often invite Muk Pajuw from other areas to help with ceremonies in collaboration with Ong Kadhar.

To become officially recognized as folk dignitaries and to be appointed as the chief of Cham rituals, Ong Kadhar and Muk Pajuw must undergo ordination rituals, including the “Paoh bangâh tagok Gru” and “kakuak ndaw.” After these important ceremonies, Ong Kadhar is officially referred to as “Ong Kadhar Gru.” Additionally, both Ong Kadhar and Muk Pajuw must participate in the Panoja ceremony to purify their minds and bodies. On Camnei, the temple guard, is responsible for the upkeep of temples and acts as the protector of sacred objects. He ensures the offerings for the gods are safe and assists Po Adhia, the Head of Ahier priest, in conducting ceremonies at the temples. His role is crucial in maintaining and safeguarding the tangible aspects of the temples. The On Kadhar, Muk Pajuw, and On Camnei priests have close ties with the Balamon or Ahier priests as they work together in conducting various Cham rituals at the temples and villages. They are members of the Council of Cham Brahmanism Religion. On Maduen serves as an officiant for important Cham ceremonies such as the Rija ceremony at the family and village levels, but has no affiliation with Hindu temples (Fig. 3.2).

Fig. 3.2
A close-up photo of a man with a traditional head dress. He is holding a hand drum.

The Maduen priest (Courtesy of the author, 2014)

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The Muk Rija is a shamanic figure who serves as a vessel for the spirits of Cham deities during possession ceremonies. While she does not play a direct role in guiding or supporting ceremonies at the temples, she does offer offerings to the gods on behalf of her family and community during various rituals.

The Ong Ka-ing is a male dancer and a member of the lower religious elite in the Cham hierarchy. He is only involved in Rija Harei and Rija Nagar ceremonies, which take place within villages and families.

The Gru Urang is a magician, while the Gru Tiap Bhut is a necromancer. Neither of these figures play an important role in temple rituals, but they are members of the Cham communities and may practice their craft in the temples. There are also several other folk priests who work in Cham ceremonies today, but they do not play a significant role in the temples.

The Awal Religious System

The Awal religion is a form of localized Islam that has been modified to reconcile with the Cham culture in Vietnam. According to Manguin (2001), Islam was introduced to Champā in the tenth century. However, the Cham Awal/Bani in Vietnam embraced many local factors (Phu, 2005). The Cham Awal do not identify themselves as orthodox Muslims and do not follow the same daily worship practices as traditional Muslims (Phu, 2008; Yasuko, 2012). The role of the Acar priests is to safeguard the religion from corruption and to lead the community in prayer (Phu, 2008).

In Ninh Thuan Province, there are seven Awal mosques, also known as “sang magik,” located in seven villages: Rem, Cuah Patih, Katuh, Cang, Aboah Hadeng, Pabmblap Klak, and Pamblap Biruw. Each mosque is managed by the Acar class, who play a crucial role in maintaining the religious and cultural activities of the Cham Awal community (Ba Trung Phan, 2010; Phu, 2008). The Awal religion is divided into four hierarchical levels, including Acar (the lowest level), Madin, Katip, Imâm, and Po Gru, who holds the highest position in the Awal religion (Phan, 2010) (Fig. 3.3).

Fig. 3.3
A photo of a few people seated on mats on the ground. Three men in traditional wear and elaborate head dress sit on different mats with some utensils laid in front of them. Two other men in simple headwear and two women sit around them. Some of them are praying with their hands folded.

Source Author, 2017

Dignitaries of the Awal/Bani community performing a ritual in Ninh Thuan Province.

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  • Acar: The Acar class is made up of newly ordained priests in the Bani clergy. Based on their experience and ability to memorize sutras, they are further divided into four levels: Jamâak, Talavi, Po Sit, and Po Praong. The promotion ceremony takes place during the month of Ramâwan.

  • Mâdin: Mâdins are responsible for announcing the date and time of religious ceremonies for dignitaries in the mosque (Sang magik). They are in charge of opening and closing the ceremony at the mosque.

  • Katip: The dignitary at this level is authorized to perform certain rituals inside and outside the mosque. They give lectures on doctrine and report on religious matters.

  • Imâm: An Imâm is a priest who has dedicated at least 15 years to the practice of the religion, has memorized all the Kuraan scriptures, and is capable of conducting all religious rituals.

  • Po Gru: Po Gru is the highest and only position in a Bani Islam village or mosque. They are responsible for making decisions on religious and life issues, and they alone set the date for religious ceremonies.

Each Sang Magik is led by Awal religious priests and highly respected members of the community who are elected to manage the religious affairs and serve the needs of the Awal community in the village. The mosque leadership’s responsibility is to convey the directions of Po Gru, the highest authority in the Bani Islam, to the believers and to receive and address their feedback, suggestions, and concerns. The leadership board is composed of Madin, Katip Tan, and Imâm Tan, selected through an objective and democratic process for a term of three to five years (Anh, 2004).

The Awal religious system works in collaboration with the Ahier religious priests to coordinate the dates of religious rituals according to the Cham sakawi calendar. This involves adjusting the dates of both the Awal and Ahier rituals and ceremonies, including the times for the Cham festivals. These changes also have an impact on the ceremonial days at Cham temples. However, the focus of this study is mainly on the Ahier religious system.

The Cham Brahman Religious System

The introduction of Brahma into Cham society was localized by the rich and ancient traditional culture, resulting in the formation of Cham culture that influenced Brahma religion, but maintained a strong cultural identity (Bien et al., 1991). The Cham architectural works in the central part of the Champā Dynasty were originally built for the worship of Brahma, Vishnu, and Shiva gods, with a focus on Shiva worship (Bien et al., 1991). Over time, the Cham honored new deities identified with Shiva as Po Klaong Girai, Po Rome, and Po Inâ Nâgar, with the Motherland being identified with the goddess Uma (Bien et al., 1991). However, the Brahma religion in the Cham community is believed by many researchers to no longer embrace enough of the elements of an orthodox religion, such as the catechesis system, canon law, and a clear system of followers and believers (Bien et al., 1991; Phan, 1996, 2010). The Cham people refer to themselves as Ahier, rather than Brahmins. Despite their strong localization, the dignitaries, clergymen, and their missions are still systematically maintained in the Cham Ahier community.

Each type of cremation ritual has a different level of importance and reflects the social status and prestige of the deceased and their family. The presence of more dignitaries at the cremation ceremony is considered a symbol of honor and respect for the deceased. The role of the Brahmin priests in the cremation ritual is to lead the ritual, perform religious rites and prayers, and guide the family of the deceased through the process. The exact details of the cremation ceremony may vary among different villages and communities within the Cham Ahier society. Nevertheless, the significance of the caste hierarchy in the cremation ritual highlights the enduring influence of the ancient Brahmin culture and beliefs in the Cham Ahier community today.

In Brahmanism, the Brahmin class is considered the highest class and is believed to have been born from the mouth of Sanura (Manu) (Xuyen, 1999). The Brahmin class is also considered the god of the earth, responsible for presiding over worships and the manipulation of ancient spiritual life (Xuyen, 1999, p. 193). Today, the Brahman priests continue to hold an important role in the Cham Ahier community, despite the fading of the caste system (Anh, 2004; Bien et al., 1991).

Even though the caste system has faded, it still exists through the cremation ritual of the Ahier community, which is regulated by the hierarchy of clans (Anh, 2004). The highest level in this hierarchy is still held by the Brahman priests (Anh, 2004).

In my observation of Cham Ahier cremation, I have identified three types of cremation rituals: (1) the cremation ritual with four Basaih dignitaries officiating, (2) the cremation ritual with two Basaih dignitaries, and (3) the cremation ritual with only one Basaih priest (Fig. 3.4).

Fig. 3.4
A photo of a procession of people dressed in traditional attire with head wears and scarves. A few of them hold staff sticks, and a few palanguins are being carried behind them.

Balamon Cham dignitaries in Ninh Thuận Province during the celebration of the Kate festival (Author, 2017)

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The number of priests in the Cham Ahier cremation ritual reflects the deceased’s, the host family’s, or clan’s status and class in the Cham society, both in the past and today. The process of this ritual is intricate, with the simplest version involving two officiates of Basaih and being simpler than the version with four Basaih dignitaries. The latter requires three types of musical instruments: four kanyi players, one Hagar, and one Seng player. Other cremation rituals only require two kanyi players. The distinction in the number of priests during the cremation ritual symbolizes the class distinction of Cham Ahier people in the past and one that their descendants still maintain today. The author noticed that the cremation rituals for members of their family always involved four Basaih priests, indicating that the family had a high status in the past. The author’s grandmother shared that many members of the great matrilineal family were officials in the court and Maduen and Kadhar Guru in the past. Thus, the cremation rituals today reflect the status and class of the family and clan in the past.

The social structure and institutions of the Cham people used to be dominated by the four classes of Brahmanism, as described in the My Son epitaph under King Jaya Indravarman (1088). These four classes were

  1. 1.

    Brahmins: priests and teachers;

  2. 2.

    Kshatriyas: the aristocrat, kings, and martial artists;

  3. 3.

    Vaishyas: farmers, traders, and merchants; and

  4. 4.

    Sudras: laborers.

As noted by Phan Quoc Anh (2004), the Cham society still recognizes these social classes, but with different terminology. Specifically, they are referred to as:

  1. 1.

    Brahmin class: Haluw Janâng;

  2. 2.

    Aristocratic class: Takai gai;

  3. 3.

    Popular class: Bal li-wa, kulit; and

  4. 4.

    Slave and servant class: Halun halak, halun klor.

However, the class system has undergone significant changes, including changes in terms and roles within Cham society today. For example, the terms “Po Gru” and “Po Adhia” refer to folk priests and ordinary people (Bhap). In the Ahier system, there are two classes: the Basaih system and folk dignitaries. Basaih is a term used to refer to religious dignitaries of Brahmanism, who hold the highest rank in society and belong to the old aristocracy of the past Cham society.

Basaih is understood as a wise man and spiritual supporter of all classes in the Cham Ahier society, responsible for the sacred duties of religious life and possessing both intellectual and linguistic mastery of Cham culture. They maintain and preserve ancient manuscripts containing information on rituals, collective knowledge, and the Cham Sakawi calendar, which is used to keep track of dates and times for rituals and agricultural activities.

The selection of new Cham religious dignitaries is based on the principle of hereditary, as only members of the lineage of existing dignitaries are eligible to serve in this role. In addition to having a lineage connection, potential candidates must also meet certain physical and personal requirements, including being physically fit, free of any physical handicaps or deformities, capable of studying catechism and learning ancient Cham traditions, and having a wife. Once a candidate has met these requirements and been approved by the Basaih Guru teachers (the current Council of Brahman Dignitaries), they will undergo a purifying baptism ceremony. The exact timing of this ceremony is determined by the teacher of the candidate. This process reflects the influence of ancient Indian Brahmanism, which still has a significant presence in the Cham community today. The family of the candidate holds responsibility for the celebration of their Basaih position, highlighting the important role of the clan in shaping the beliefs and practices of the Cham Ahier community.

It’s important to note that the Cham Ahier religion is based on the Hindu tradition and its religious dignitaries play a central role in maintaining the customs and beliefs of the community.

The Ahier dignitaries are organized in a hierarchical order, from lower to higher rank. The five levels are: Basaih Ndung Akaok, Basaih Liah, Basaih Pahuak, Basaih Tapah (On Bac), and Po Adhia, who holds the highest position and has supremacy in the Ahier religion and society.

  1. 1.

    Basaih Ndung Akaok: This is the first level of ordination, and the priest is in an apprenticeship stage.

  2. 2.

    Basaih Liah: This is the second level of ordination, and the priest has completed the apprenticeship and is officially ordained as a senior Basaih.

  3. 3.

    Basaih Pahuak: This is the third level of ordination and is given to priests who have become fully qualified and are engaged in official service.

  4. 4.

    Basaih Tapah (On Bac): This is a high-ranking dignitary who has attained the level of escapism and strictly follows the religious teachings.

  5. 5.

    Po Adhia: This is the highest level of ordination, and the priest is elected from the ranks of Basaih Tapah. They serve as the religious leader of a temple and preside over all religious rituals and ceremonies, including weddings, funerals, new homes, and other religious activities. Po Adhia is responsible for making all spiritual and cultural decisions for the Ahiér community and assigning responsibilities for implementation.

They are responsible for preserving the ancient manuscripts and traditions of the Cham people and ensuring the continuation of their religious practices. The selection and ordination of dignitaries is a complex process that is based on hereditary lineage, physical fitness, and intellectual and spiritual aptitude. The role of the Basaih in the Cham society is significant, as they play a key role in preserving the culture and traditions of the community (Fig. 3.5).

Fig. 3.5
A photo of a ceremony in progress. Many people in traditional dress are seated on mats on the floor. One head priest is performing the rituals. A few utensils are placed. Some of the bowls have boiled eggs in them.

The ordination ceremony for Po Gru in Ahier religion (Courtesy of the author, 2013)

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The Basaih dignitaries are subject to stringent guidelines. Ahier priests are prohibited from consuming beef, deer meat, catfish, eels, frogs, figs, and squashes. They must also refrain from eating the liver or other parts of an animal that haven’t been properly prepared. Dinner must be consumed before the sun sets and, in the absence of light, they must stop eating even if they’re not yet full. Before using the restroom, Ahier priests must remove their cap and recite a mantra.

The religious landscape of Ninh Thuan Province is divided into three main temple areas, including Po Klaong Girai, Po Nagar, and Po Rome. Each temple is represented by a Po Adhia, who is responsible for overseeing the spiritual activities of the Ahier community surrounding the temple, as well as maintaining the number of Ahier dignitaries. In the past, the Po Adhia of the Po Klaong Girai temple held the highest rank in the region, and was responsible for deciding the ordinations, dates, and processes of religious ceremonies. This Po Adhia stayed at home to direct any religious activities in the region, while the Po Adhia of the Po Nagar temple performed rituals under the direction of the Po Adhia of Po Klaong Girai, and the Po Adhia of the Po Rome temple conducted the Kut entrance ceremony. However, these provisions are no longer in effect (Anh, 2004). Each Po Adhia now has the autonomy to decide and manage the activities at their respective temples, performing all the duties of the three Po Adhia in the past.

In 2017, the number of priests in charge of religious practices in the Cham community was 150, including those of the Ahier religion and the Cham folk religion. These priests were responsible for overseeing religious activities at three main temples: Po Klaong Girai, Po Rome, and Po Ina Nagar, as well as 20 shrines in Cham villages. While the Ahier priests primarily lead the religious practices, Cham folk priests such as Maduen, Ka-ing, and Kadhar continue to play a role in conducting rituals in Awal villages (Table 3.1).

Table 3.1 List of Cham Ahier custodians in Ninh Thuan Province (Report of Council of Cham Brahmanism Dignitaries 2017)
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In 2017, there were 150 priests of Ahier and folk religions responsible for the religious practices at three main temple areas including Po Klaong Girai, Po Rome, and Po Ina Nagar, as well as 20 shrines in all Cham villages. They primarily work with the Cham Ahier community, but Cham folk priests like Maduen, Ka-ing, and Kadhar still assist in conducting rituals at the Awal villages.

Each temple has three main scriptures that are preserved by Po Adhia. These scriptures consist of five large volumes, each with a number of sections that cover a wide range of topics, from the creation of the universe to customs and habits. The first volume discusses the formation of the earth, the world, and humans. The second volume focuses on religion and folk beliefs (Ngap Yang Parang Bingu). The third volume highlights the prohibitions, teachings on human behavior, and lifestyle in general, as well as specific rules for the Basaih priests in cultivating the Dhamma (cosmic law and order) and performing magic spells to save people. These rules are written on palm leaves in the traditional Cham Akhar Thrah scripts, sometimes alternating between Akhar Rik, Akhar Tuer, Akhar Yok, which are the old styles of Cham writing systems.

According to customary customs, the five large volumes of scriptures are used during large rituals, such as ordination ceremonies for Ahier priests, Palao Kaxah or Pa Cakap Hlau Kraong rituals for praying for peace at water downstream or upstream, and Kamruai Pakap ceremony for exterminating bad omens in the village. For smaller, ordinary rituals, such as the Purification rite for land and house and purification offerings for priests, small scriptures are used.

In addition to the strict codes of conduct for the Basaih dignitaries, the Cham folk beliefs also include the preservation of certain hymns and exorcism practices. Three prominent dignitaries, Ong Kadhar, Ong Maduen, and Ong Gru Kaleng, each have specific responsibilities for preserving these traditions.

  1. 1.

    Ong Kadhar is in charge of preserving the hymns used in various temple and community rituals, including Yuer Yang, Kate, Cambur, Peh Bambeng Yang, Thrua, Payak Puis, Kaya Pandiak, and Kaya Yuer.

  2. 2.

    Ong Maduen is responsible for preserving hymns used in family and clan rituals such as Rija Dayep, Rija Praong, Rija Nagar, and Rija Harei.

  3. 3.

    Ong Gru Kaleng is responsible for preserving the chanting of evil spirits and the mantra used in family and clan rituals.

While religious practices in the Cham Ahier communities may differ from traditional Brahmanism, they are still closely tied to the community’s agricultural rituals and involve offerings to the gods for good luck and a bountiful harvest. The Basaih priests also play a significant role in funeral rituals and weekly offerings to the deceased.

Ancestral worship is a cherished tradition in the Cham Ahier community, reflecting the principle of “Remembering the source of the water you drink.” This tradition is honored through various rituals such as funerals, weekly offerings, and the Kut entry ceremony. The Cham Ahier’s ancestral worship has been deeply influenced by religion and has undergone various changes in the community over time. Religions that are prevalent in society often attempt to infiltrate this form of worship.

The Cham have incorporated elements of Indian religion into their own beliefs, creating a distinct religion for their community. The worship of ancestors and Indigenous gods has been incorporated into the form of Indian deities (Anh, 2004; Bien et al., 1991; Dop et al., 2014). However, these Indian elements are merely the outer form that encapsulates the Indigenous beliefs, which are primarily focused on the worship of ancestors (Anh, 2004; Dop et al., 2014).

The priests in the Cham Ahier community have designated duties that vary by region. For example, in Ninh Thuan, the religious worship and ceremonies are divided into ten units, consisting of seven mosques (Sang Magik) and three temples (Bimong Kalan) referred to as “Tijuh hahlau, klau bimong” or “Seven mosques, three temples.” Each village also has its own shrine (Danaok) or God’s house (Sang Po Yang).

The Cham people in each region coordinate festivals, rituals, ceremonial events, and annual meetings with the common consensus of the entire community. The allocation of dates and division of responsibilities among each area is consistent, reflecting the unity among the dignitaries. Despite having different roles and positions, the dignitaries closely manage the process of carrying out ceremonies and rituals related to community beliefs to ensure unity in their roles, duties, and mission (Fig. 3.6).

Fig. 3.6
A flowchart depicts the interconnections among the components of the 4 tiers, Gep mangawom, Bhap Bini, Halau Janang, and royal court. The relationships include, no existing, existing, direct relationship, and indirect relationship.

The Management System of Cham Religious Practices and the Interconnections Among Religious Groups (Author, 2018)

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The diagram summarizes the traditional social and religious structure of the Cham people in Ninh Thuan and Binh Thuan Provinces, highlighting the main roles of the two major religious systems (Ahier and Awal priests) and the folk dignitaries. Some other folk dignitaries, not shown on the diagram, are closely related to the Kadhar and Maduen religious systems. Before 1834, the Cham community was organized into four groups: the royal court, the priest systems, the communities (villages), and the clans and families. However, following the fall of the Champā Dynasty in 1834, the Cham social structure was reduced to three groups—the priest systems, the communities (villages), and the clans and families. The roles, positions, and functions of each group are described and explained in detail in the sections above.

The Evolving Role of Priests: Past and Present

The role of Cham priests both in the past and today has been crucial to Cham society and spirituality. During the time of the Kingdom of Champā, religious elites occupied high positions in the court and society, including the role of Po Ganuer Matri, Po Gru, and Po Adhia, and other lower religious classes (Abdul, 2013). Today, Po Ganuen Matri no longer exists, and Ahier and Awal priests have taken on these roles. Before the fall of Champā in 1834, the religious elites played a highly important role in Cham society and the kingdom (Abdul, 2013). Abdul (2013) especially highlights the role of Po Ganuer Huer as a spiritual advisor to the king, who was valued for the wise spiritual and supernatural knowledge. Abdul (2013, pp. 33–34) notes that the religious elite were seen as divine intermediaries to the gods, and the Cham political elite recognized their usefulness in legitimizing their rule and increasing their spiritual powers. The religious elite also played a key role in identifying the Cham kings who possessed the “markings” of a ruler.

The role of religious priests in the Cham society has significantly changed after the collapse of the Kingdom of Champā in 1834. The loss of the political power resulted in the wiping out of the ruling elite and Po Ganuer Matri, who had close connections with the rulers. In response to this, religious priests stepped in to fill the leadership gap and protect the culture and spiritual life of the Cham people. As noted by Effendy (2013, p. 118), the religious priests emerged as spiritual leaders who took over the role previously held by the political elite.

The role of religious priests has been crucial in preserving Cham traditions, culture, and identity. They play a leading role in conducting rituals and festivals, which are important for the Cham spiritual and social life. These rituals help to convey the wishes for agricultural fertility, good health, and the memory of ancestors (Dop et al., 2014; Sakaya, 2003). The priests also serve as keepers of the Cham language, religion, culture, history, and pride in their monarchs of Panduranga (2013). In addition, the religious priests serve as “Pakreng Nagar” or “govern the Nagar” (Abdul, 2013), and are responsible for conducting Cham rituals and arranging the ceremonial life of the Cham community. They also serve as time-keepers, resolving conflicts between Cham Ahier and Awal religious events and ensuring the accuracy of the Cham calendar.

The significance of the role of religious priests in the Cham society cannot be overstated, as they play a critical role in preserving Cham traditions and cultural heritage.

In sum, the role of priests in Cham society has a rich history that dates back to the days of the Kingdom of Champā. During that time, religious elites held a prominent position in the court and society, playing a crucial role in Cham spiritual life. They were viewed as divine intermediaries to the gods and were supported by the Cham political elite, who recognized the usefulness of religious learning in legitimizing their rule and increasing their spiritual powers. The religious elite, such as Po Ganuer Matri and Po Gru, also played an important role in identifying Cham kings who had the “markings” of a ruler (Abdul, 2013). After the collapse of the Cham principality in 1834 and the subsequent wiping out of the ruling elite, religious priests emerged to fill the leadership gap. They continued playing a leading role in Cham traditions and cultural life, serving as spiritual leaders and protectors of Cham culture and identity (Abdul, 2013; Phan, 1996). The priests, especially the dignitaries, have a broad role in conducting Cham rituals and festivals, which are central to Cham spiritual and social life. They help convey the wishes of the community for agricultural fertility, good health, and the memory of ancestors, and play a crucial role in preserving Cham language, religion, culture, and identity, as well as Cham pride in their monarchs (Abdul, 2013; Dop et al., 2014; Sakaya, 2003).

In the contemporary society, however, the role of priests has declined, leading to a lack of leadership and guidance in Cham ceremonial practices and cultural preservation. Despite the decline of their role in modern society, they still play a crucial role in preserving a significant amount of knowledge regarding Cham culture, customs, and religion. The role of dignitaries in preserving Cham culture is unparalleled. Not only do they perform rituals in temples, but they also have a broad role in Cham Ahier villages. Indigenous folk priests also participate in various Cham Ahier and Awal ceremonies. However, in contemporary society, their role has greatly diminished, leading to a lack of leadership and guidance in preserving Cham cultural practices and heritage. The decline of those who conduct the ceremonies may also negatively impact the living heritage sites of the Cham people.

Cham Brahman Dignitary Council (Hội Đồng Chức Sắc Balamon)

The traditional Cham management systems have undergone changes and evolution in the present society, often merging with or being transformed into new administrative organizations (Phan, 2010). Despite these changes, the Cham religious priests continue to manage religious activities and maintain the traditional religious systems. The new organizations, which are made up of religious dignitaries and intellectuals, are recognized by the government as a means to effectively support the management of authorities and to quickly address issues within the Cham community.

In Vietnam, the state recognizes two Cham religious beliefs, known as “Old Islamic” religion and Brahmin religion, as written in Cham texts and academic materials. However, the Cham people refer to their religious beliefs as “Awal (Bani)” and “Ahier.” Although the community prefers to use these names, the government has not yet officially recognized them. In recent studies, most Cham scholars and some foreign researchers use these terms, and in this study, the author uses “Ahier” to refer to Brahmanism and “Awal” to refer to Old Islam. Nevertheless, some official terms used by the state, such as the “Balamon Dignitary Council,” will also be utilized.

The Council of Interim Dignitaries of Cham Brahmanism (Hội đồng Chức sắc Lâm thời Balamon tỉnh Ninh Thuận) was officially established on October 13, 2010, and recognized by the Chairman of the Ninh Thuan Provincial People’s Committee on June 18, 2012 through Decision No. 1192/QD-UBND. The first meeting of the Council, which was held in the term of 2012–2017, aimed to consolidate Cham traditions and customs, and preserve traditional cultural heritage in accordance with the policies and laws set by the Party and State.

The Council is composed of intellectuals and senior Basaih and folk dignitaries from the three Ahier communities in Ninh Thuan Province. There are 27 board members in the Council, organized into a Standing Committee, four specialized boards, and three regional custom boards. They are organized as following (Fig. 3.7):

Fig. 3.7
An illustration has the council of Cham Brahmanism dignitaries branching out into the following five, the Standing Committee, Sakawi Calendar Board, Supervision and Resolution Board, Financial and Planning Board, and Custom and Education Board.

Organizational structure diagram of the council

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  1. 1.

    The Standing Committee is composed of seven members, including the president, four vice presidents, and two secretaries. The secretary in charge of Cham scripts and customs is a Basaih priest, while the layperson secretary is responsible for general administrative and financial planning.

  2. 2.

    Cham Sakawi Calendar Board made up of six members, is responsible for solving problems related to the dates of Cham rituals. They often collaborate with the Cham Sakawi Calendar Board of the Awal religion to determine suitable dates for both Ahier and Awal communities.

  3. 3.

    Supervision and Resolution Board consists of 06 members.

  4. 4.

    Financial and Planning Board consists of 06 members.

  5. 5.

    The Customs and Education Board consists of 07 members.

The Council strengthened three regional custom boards for three temples in the region (Fig. 3.8):

Fig. 3.8
A group photo of the executive members of the Council of Interim Dignitaries of Cham Brahmanism. Some wear colored shawls around their neck while others wear colored badges on their shirts. A few of them wear suits.

Source Author, 2017

Composition of the executive members of the council of interim dignitaries of Cham Brahmanism in Ninh Thuan Province.

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  1. 1.

    Custom Board of Po Klaong Girai temple: 17 members.

  2. 2.

    Custom Board of Po Ina Nagar temple: 20 members.

  3. 3.

    Custom Board of Po Rome temple: 11 members.

The Council of Cham Brahman Dignitaries in Ninh Thuan Province has also re-established Custom Boards in each Cham Ahier village. These boards are composed of 5 to 11 members, selected by the elders of each village and include a headperson, a deputy, a secretary, and several other members. In the past, these village-level organizations were referred to as the Elders Association, but today they are called the Custom Boards.

The role of the Custom Boards is to support the religious system and ceremonies, manage cultural and natural resources, and protect customs. They also organize rituals and festivals, such as the Rija Nagar (Cham New Year), Kate festival, Ramâwan ceremonies, and other spiritual celebrations. Furthermore, the Custom Boards serve as a resolution mechanism in cases where village members violate traditions, customs, and habits. To enhance their problem-solving capabilities, the boards often collaborate with the local government and rely on their power to address issues related to faith and customs. The Council of Cham Brahman Dignitaries and its sub-organizations, including the Custom Boards, play a crucial role in preserving and promoting traditional Cham culture in Ninh Thuan Province (Phan, 2010).

In essence, the Council of Interim Dignitaries of Cham Brahmanism is a continuation of a long-standing tradition of Cham organizations consisting of intellectuals and senior Basaih and folk dignitaries. However, unlike the past, this organization is now directly overseen by the government’s Internal Affairs Department, leading some to believe that the traditional power of the Cham Ahier priests has diminished. A Cham scholar states, “From the highest authority and the largest right in the Cham community, this system is under the direction of a provincial department of government. The Cham Ahier priests are losing their traditional power in the Cham community by being an official board under government direction” (Orang_Kaya006). Theoretically, this recognition by the government shows the recognition of the Cham community and their traditional management systems for cultural heritage management. It also highlights the early stages of collaboration in Cham cultural heritage management. However, so far the new organization doesn’t seem to be much involved in many heritage management activities. As a case in point, the Po Klaong Girai temple operates under two parallel Cham management systems. The first is managed by the Ahier dignitaries of the temple, who are responsible for temple and religious activities and is composed purely of Ahier priests. The second system is the Council of Ahier Dignitaries, which includes both intellectuals and priests, manages all three temples, and works closely with local authorities and is seen as the representative voice for the Cham Ahier community in Ninh Thuan.

The folk and religious dignitaries play a crucial role in preserving the cultural heritage and the identity of the Cham people. They are responsible for safeguarding and preserving multiple ancient manuscripts written in Cham script, as well as maintaining their rituals, beliefs, folk songs and dances, anecdotes, legends “damnây,” offering gifts, traditional musical instruments, and various types of traditional clothing. These cultural elements serve as external expressions of their cultural heritage. Additionally, the dignitaries are responsible for organizing and conducting traditional ceremonies and festivals, thereby ensuring the continuity of the Cham society.

Philosophies and Traditions of the Cham Community

Significance of Ahier and Awal Dualism in Representing Cham Unity

The Champa temples hold a significant place not only in the hearts of the Cham Ahier community, but of the entire Cham population as it serves as a symbol of their veneration for intelligent and meritorious god-kings from their glorious past. However, it is important to understand the relationship between the different Cham groups, particularly the relationship between the Cham Ahier and Cham Awal.

Previous research has often divided the Cham in South Central Vietnam into two separate communities: the Cham Ahier and the Cham Awal (Duong, 2007; Khanh, 2009; Ninh, 2006) or as Cham Bani and Cham Jat (Phan, 2011). However, from the perspective of the Cham people, their communities should not be divided into two separate entities, but rather considered as united under one traditional religion with a cosmology of dualism (Nakamura, 2009; Phan, 1996, 2011; Yasuko, 2012).

The term “Ahier” refers to the Cham Balamon who adhere to an indigenized form of Brahmanism and later came to believe in the God of Islam, Allah. “Ahier” means “the latter or last” in Cham. This group venerates their gods, Po Yang and deified kings, and performs their ceremonies in temples (bimong) and at home with their families. Beef is traditionally taboo in the Cham Ahier community, and they are cremated after death with funerals led by Ahier priests (Nakamura, 2009).

On the other hand, the term “Awal” refers to the Cham influenced by Bani Islam. “Awal” means “before or first.” This group primarily worships their god, Po Awluah (Allah), in mosques (Sang magik) and at home. Pork is taboo in the Cham Bani community, and they are buried after death with services led by Acar priests (Nakamura, 2009). Although both the Cham Ahier and Awal venerate Po Awluah, the Cham Awal conduct rituals and festivals for Allah, while the Cham Ahier hold ceremonies for the gods known to them prior to the introduction of Islam to Champā (Nakamura, 2009).

According to the Cham people, Awal and Ahier, though seemingly opposing each other, are always attached as a couple and cannot exist without the other, much like males and females, fathers and mothers, who are inseparable (Yasuko, 2012, p. 500). In fact, these two communities are always bonded together as a pair of Likei - Kumei (men and women) or a couple of Hadiip - Pasang (husband and wife) and are considered as the traditional cultural identity of the Cham people. The Cham Awal community symbolizes the female aspect (female/kumei, wife/hadiip), while the Ahier Cham community symbolizes the male aspect (male/likei, husband/pasang). This reflects the unique and rich culture of the Cham people who have lived in the South Central region for a long time and have a diverse and distinct cultural identity (Phan, 2011; Yasuko, 2011, 2012). Despite the fact that Cham society is matrilineal and matriarchal, this dualism is opposite to the typical Muslim view in which men are considered superior to women.

The dialectical relationship between Ahier and Awal continues to play a significant role in Cham culture, serving as a foundation for linking the two religious communities. This concept is seen as a pair of philosophical categories and is used in the performance of rituals and ceremonies in the religious beliefs of both communities. Furthermore, the Cham people use the Awal-Ahier dialectic to explain phenomena related to the universe and their overall worldview (Phan, 1996, 2011; Yasuko, 2011). The importance of the relationship between Ahier and Awal cannot be overstated and remains a central aspect of Cham identity and tradition.

The enduring dualistic relationship between the Awal and the Ahier is evident in the cultural and spiritual life, as well as the material culture, of the two Cham communities in the provinces of Ninh Thuan and Binh Thuan today. Based on this concept, the Cham people have incorporated this symbol of unity through the use of the Homkar. In fact, the Homkar symbol originated from the Hindu AUM symbol, but Cham intellectuals today have given it a unique narrative meaning. According to Nakamura (2009, pp. 89–90), the symbol’s center is a circle that represents the sun, under which there is a crescent. The number 6 is placed above the sun, while the number 3 is placed below the crescent. In Cham belief, the sun and the number 3 represent the Ahier, while the crescent and the number 6 represent the Awal. The number 9 is considered the largest number in Cham script, and it is formed by the combination of the Ahier number 3 and the Awal number 6. Thus, the Homkar symbol, which is composed of both Ahier and Awal elements, represents the most complete form of existence, including unity, balance, stability, and peace. In essence, the coexistence of the Ahier and Awal creates unity in the Cham world (Fig. 3.9).

Fig. 3.9
Two photos. The first is the homkar symbol with the bottom part labeled 1, the center 2, and the top 3. The second photo is of the homkar symbol on a stone pillar. It resembles an elongated dome.

The Homkar is a sacred symbol of Champa (Sakaya, 2013)

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The Homkar symbol represents the unity of the Cham community, transcending religious boundaries and distinctions. The temples that reflect this symbol are not only important to the Cham Ahier but also to the entire Cham community. These temples are seen as beacons of Cham culture and heritage, preserving their history and traditions for future generations. As such, it is the responsibility of both the Cham Ahier and Awal to protect these places of worship and preserve the rich cultural legacy of their people. By coming together to protect their temples, Cham people are symbolizing the unity and harmony embodied in the Homkar symbol, which represents stability, balance, peace, and wholeness. The preservation of the Cham temples is, therefore, a crucial aspect of preserving their cultural heritage and ensuring that it is passed down to future generations (Phan, 2011; Yasuko, 2012).

Delve into the World of the Cham: Uncovering the Perception of Sacredness

The Cham people of Southeast Asia have a unique perspective on the concept of sacredness. In their culture, the term “hacih/suci” encompasses both the ideas of purity and holiness. They also use the term “Ganreh” to describe the power associated with speaking about a sacred site. Both human-made objects and natural phenomena can be considered sacred places, as they are believed to have mysterious or supernatural powers that can protect or harm humans.

The Cham culture recognizes a close relationship between the gods, the dead, ancestors, and the living. The world of the gods and ancestors is considered separate from the profane and protected from disturbance. This relationship is maintained through spiritual and religious ceremonies, during which the spirits of the gods, dead, and ancestors are connected to descendants. The living have the obligation to ensure proper burial or cremation of their relatives, and to protect their graves (Awal graves and Ahier Kuts) from disturbance. Access to these sacred places is limited to religious ceremonies, and failure to properly uphold these traditions is believed to result in harm to both the dead and the living.

The Cham temples are among the most revered sacred sites in the Cham culture, where the king-gods and national heroes are honored and worshipped. According to Cham beliefs, the Yang gods are incredibly powerful and sacred, and they have the ability to both protect and bless human beings. However, if the sacred sites are disturbed or changed, the Yang Gods will punish those who did so.

Every Cham person is responsible for protecting the sacred sites and maintaining the religious beliefs associated with them. The Cham people hold a strong stance against any activities that could negatively affect the sacred sites. To maintain the sanctity of these places, they must remain peaceful and free from disturbance.

The Cham temples are located in various terrains, including the plains, sealed valleys, large rivers, seashores, slopes, and the tops of hills. They are isolated from residential areas to maintain their purity and are only opened for religious rituals conducted by priests. These sacred places are dedicated solely to worship, and the Cham people both fear and respect them. To this day, the Cham avoid using disrespectful language or behavior at sacred sites like the temple, as it is believed to make the site impure and lead to punishment from the gods.

In the Cham culture, the doors of the temples were traditionally only opened when the Ahier priests performed a ceremony to ask permission. The opening of the temple doors was a sacred ritual that required the participation of four important dignitaries in the Cham Ahier religion: the Po Adhia, Ong Kadhar, Ong Camnei, and Muk Pajuw.

The ritual began with the Po Adhia performing a ritual in the small courtyard of the temple. Then, the Ong Camnei and Po Adhia conducted the Shiva (Şiva) water ritual, while Ong Kadhar sang the appropriate hymn in front of the temple. The Muk Pajuw and Ong Camnei then performed the bathing and dressing rituals for the king-god inside the temple.

This elaborate ceremony demonstrated the importance and sacredness of the temples in the Cham culture. The doors of the temples remained closed most of the time, and only opened during specific religious rituals. The rituals conducted by the dignitaries emphasized the reverence and respect that the Cham people held for their temples and their gods.

The Cham culture places a great emphasis on the maintenance and preservation of sacred sites, with many still being in use today in the Ninh Thuan Province of Vietnam. The three major temples in this region, known as “bimong kalan,” are each governed by a Po Adhia, the leader of the Ahier priests. Each temple serves the Cham villages in its respective area and it is the responsibility of these villages to worship at the closest temple to them. In particular,

  1. 1.

    The Po Klaong Girai temple serves the villages of Padra, Baoh Dana, Baoh Bini, Caok, Mblang Kacak, Tabeng, Bal Riya, and Baoh Hadeng.

  2. 2.

    The Po Ina Nagar temple serves the villages of Hamu Tanran and Hamu Craok.

  3. 3.

    The Po Rame temple serves Thuer, Palao, Pabhan, Aia Li-U, Bal Caong, and Caklaing.

There is a famous temple in this province called Ba Thap temple but it is forgotten by the Cham. The temple is considered as a “dead” heritage site because the Cham no longer practiced religion there.

In addition to the temples, the Cham also worship many human gods at shrines located in different villages. These shrines, known as Danaok, are revered and protected by the Cham communities. Some of the notable shrines in Ninh Thuan Province include:

  1. 1.

    Danaok Po Patao Bin Thuer, Po Bia Choi, Po Bia Binan, Po Ina Nagar Hamu Kut in Bal Riya village;

  2. 2.

    Danaok Po Gaol/ Po Gilai Baok located near Kraong Pha River;

  3. 3.

    Danaok Po Klaong Kachait in Cang village;

  4. 4.

    Danaok Po Klaong Girai in Kacak village;

  5. 5.

    Danaok Po Sah in Baoh Dana village;

  6. 6.

    Danaok Po Klaong Girai in Baoh Bini village;

  7. 7.

    Danaok Po Nai Riki Nai Rikit in Padra village;

  8. 8.

    Danaok Po Klaong Haluw in Hamu Tanran village;

  9. 9.

    Danaok Po Klaong Can in Hamu Caok village;

  10. 10.

    Danaok Po Riyak in Caklaing village;

  11. 11.

    Danaok Po Nai located at Cah Mbang Mountain; and

  12. 12.

    Danaok Po Rome in Thuer village.

These shrines play an important role in the spiritual lives of the Cham people and serve as places of worship and veneration (Fig. 3.10).

Fig. 3.10
A photo of a few men dressed traditionally with headdress seated on the ground within what appears to be an inner sanctum with many plastic and metal trays and fire torches burning. This is surrounded by a large number of people seated in a circle.

Source Author, 2014

A ritual being performed at the Po Nai Shrine located on Cah Mbang Mountain in Ninh Thuan Province.

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The Cham people also worship at various natural sacred sites to pray to supernatural beings and at numerous Kut and Ghur cemeteries found in every Cham village. In the past, Kut cemeteries were situated far from the villages, but with the growth of the Cham population, many have now been established within the villages. Nevertheless, like the temples and shrines, these cemeteries are only opened for rituals on specific days and times, after which the gates must be closed to provide a peaceful space for their ancestors. The Cham’s cultural and religious philosophy holds that the spiritual world is made up of all members of the community and is composed of spiritual, mental, and tangible elements of life. This belief is closely tied to folk cultural activities and the integration of the divine and human world through various ceremonies, which all members of the Cham accept as a spiritual and sacred legacy. Many Cham people believe that this system of beliefs is unalterable and that no one has the right to add or modify it without the consent of the Cham community. Any changes made to the meaning or structure of a Cham ritual or rite could be perceived as an offense against their sacred beliefs.

Understanding the Cham’s Views on Dates, Timing, and Rituals

In addition to the two main religious groups in the Cham community, including the Ahier influenced by Brahmanism and the Awal influenced by Islam, there are also two types of calendars used for religious purposes. The first is the Islamic calendar, which is limited to use in mosques for the Ramâwan and Ikak Waha festivals. The second is the common calendar, which is widely used by both the Cham Ahier and Awal in a variety of ceremonies such as funerals, weddings, festivals, agricultural rituals, the opening of a new house, house construction, and other rituals. Despite the two different religious beliefs, the Cham people are considered as one community due to their participation in these shared ceremonies (Dai, 2016; Sakaya, 2016).

For the Cham, time is regulated by God Luah Tala for each year, month, day, and hour for each ritual. The Cham calendar has twelve months, which are represented by twelve animals of the Cham zodiac in sequential order: rat, ox, tiger, rabbit, dragon, snake, horse, goat or ram, monkey, cock, dog, and pig. A year with thirteen months is called a leap year or bilan bhang or bilan biruw (a new month) (Sakaya, 2016).

The date is a crucial aspect of Cham customs. A Cham month can have either 30 days or 29 days. The months with 30 days are January, March, May, July, September, and November, while the months with 29 days are February, April, June, August, October, and December. The days in a Cham month are organized based on the lunar phase, with the first quarter (bingun) starting from the 1st to the 15th day and the last quarter (Klam) starting from the 16th to the end of the month. The first quarter, known as the full moon (harei porami), and the last quarter, known as the moon off (harei aia bilan abih). The Cham also recognize good days, bad days, and taboo days, as well as good times, bad times, and taboo times in a day. A Cham day is divided into 8 tuk, where each tuk equals 1.5 h (Dai, 2016; Phan, 2007; Sakaya, 2016). The significance of time is especially evident in Cham customs related to weddings, house-building, and new home ceremonies.

The Sakawi Calendar was created by Champā scholars in response to a problem faced by the Cham people after the introduction of the Hijri Calendar (Islamic religion) in Champā in the fifteenth century. The term “Sakawi” is derived from “Saka” (universal calendar) and “wi” (an abbreviation of Jawi, meaning Islam), and the calendar is a hybrid that combines the Cham calendar, based on twelve months, with the Islamic calendar. The main objectives of the Sakawi calendar are to respect the cycle of the seasons (i.e., January must bring rain and summer months must be sunny) and to avoid coincidence between the Kate festival and the Ramawan season. The formulation of the Sakawi calendar was passed down through the Ariya Sakawi tradition and remains in use today.

The Cham people use the dates in the Sakawi Ahier calendar in conjunction with the dates in the Sakawi Awal calendar, and the calendar is used not only to determine the dates for opening the door of the temples and performing rituals of Rija, Paralao Pasah, Kate, Cambur, and Yuen Yang, but also to choose the dates for important ceremonies, such as weddings, funerals, house-building, and new house ceremonies, and various family rituals for both Cham Awal and Ahier.

The Cham people do not rely solely on the dates in the Sakawi Ahier calendar. Instead, they consistently align the dates in both the Sakawi Ahier and Sakawi Awal calendars. This ensures that the Sakawi Ahier calendar is utilized not only for determining the dates for important religious ceremonies such as the opening of temple doors, Rija rituals, Paralao Pasah, Kate, Cambur, and Yuen Yang, but also for planning significant life events such as weddings, funerals, house-building and inauguration ceremonies, and various familial rituals for both the Cham Awal and Ahier communities.

The Cham have well-defined beliefs about the auspicious and inauspicious days and times. For the purpose of this research, which focuses on the appropriate days for temple openings, only the favorable and taboo days and times will be discussed. The following are the characteristic traits associated with each day:

  1. 1.

    Sunday (Adit): the day of fire and the sun.

  2. 2.

    Monday (Som): the day of wood, symbolizing growth and new beginnings.

  3. 3.

    Tuesday (Angar): the day of stone, power, and strength.

  4. 4.

    Wednesday (But): the day of the earth, symbolizing stability and grounding.

  5. 5.

    Thursday (Jip): the day of human creation.

  6. 6.

    Friday (Suk): the day of the breath of the soul.

  7. 7.

    Saturday (Sanacar): the day of the moon (Phan, 2014; Sakaya, 2016).

The Cham people utilize the characteristics of the Cham Sakawi calendar to distinguish between favorable and unfavorable days in their lives. This research, however, is limited to understanding the dates and times related to communal and temple ceremonies only. The following are the months during which the Cham conduct their communal ceremonies:

  1. 8.

    January, February, and March are considered leisurely months for conducting Rija ceremonies, which are presided over by Maduen priests. These months are referred to as Maduen’s months (Sakaya, 2016, p. 130).

  2. 9.

    April is the month for conducting the Yuen Yang ceremony to honor the Fire God, as well as the ploughing ceremony, which marks the start of the rice-growing season.

  3. 10.

    July is the month for conducting the Kate festival to worship the gods and for giving thanks for the watering of the rice fields.

  4. 11.

    September is the month for conducting the Cambur ceremony to worship the goddesses.

  5. 12.

    November is the month for conducting the Peh Mbeng Yang ceremony, which involves opening the doors of the temples (Dai, 2016).

The Cham have special significance attached to certain days and times, and they follow these beliefs in their daily activities and ceremonies.

  1. 13.

    The 1st Klam and 6th Klam are considered auspicious days as they coincide with sunrise. However, these days are reserved for the king and ordinary people are not allowed to perform ceremonies or rituals on these days as it is believed to offend the gods. These days are reserved for the opening of the temple doors and the ordination of priests (Dai, 2016; Phan, 2014; Sakaya, 2016).

  2. 14.

    The 6th and 7th hours (tuk) that coincide with the 6th Klam or 2nd Klam are considered favorable days for humans. This time is believed to represent Brah or God Yang Sri, the rice god. These days are often chosen for housewarming ceremonies and weddings. Conversely, if the 8th hour coincides with the 1st Klam or 11th Klam, these are considered unfavorable hours (Mabih) and no rituals are performed at these times (Dai, 2016; Phan, 2014; Sakaya, 2016).

According to the Cham, there are many sorts of hours, each having a specific effect. It is believed that performing activities on taboo days (Harei Juak Nathak) can result in a day of great disaster (Harei Main Taming) and bring tragedy and catastrophic events to individuals or families. As a result, the Cham are cautious when choosing the time for their daily activities and ceremonies (Dai, 2016; Phan, 2014; Sakaya, 2016) (Fig. 3.11).

Fig. 3.11
Two screenshots. The first has 5 concentric circles, each circle divided into different number of wedges and accompanied by text in a foreign language. A few animals are also depicted. The second is a grid calendar with text in a foreign language.

A Sakawi Ahier calendar in January, 2020

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As previously mentioned, religion plays a significant role in the social life of the Cham people. It greatly influences their socio-economic and cultural activities. With the aid of the Cham Sakawi calendar, the Cham select appropriate days to worship Yang gods and conduct rituals and festivals (Sakaya, 2003).

According to Sakaya, the Cham currently have at least 75 Yang gods and perform over 115 different ceremonies and festivals, which are held on a yearly, biennial, quinquennial, or longer cycle basis (Sakaya, 2003). These events are connected to the life cycles, such as weddings, funeral ceremonies, and temple-based thanksgiving festivals to specific deities. In addition to these, the Cham have several Indigenous beliefs-based ceremonies and rituals, including those related to agriculture (Sakaya, 2003). Throughout the year, the Cham conduct a diverse range of public and family ceremonies at the village or clan level.

The Cham people hold four main public ceremonies and festivals in Ninh Thuan, including Yuer Yang in April, Kate in July, Cambur in September, and Peh Pabah Mbeng Yang in November. These ceremonies and festivals aim to bring good weather, abundant crops, and growth of life, and are conducted in a specific order based on the Cham Sakawi calendar (Dai, 2016; Phan, 2014). The Kate Festival is the largest traditional festival of the Cham people in Vietnam and was recognized by the Vietnam Ministry of Culture, Sports, and Tourism as a national intangible cultural heritage in 2017 (Dop et al., 2014; Bien et al., 1991; Sakaya, 2003). The festival takes place on July 1st according to the Cham calendar and commemorates Cham kings, national heroes, and ancestors, while praying to the gods for favorable weather, bountiful harvests, and prosperity, peace, and happiness (Dop et al., 2014; Bien et al., 1991; Sakaya, 2003).

Given the advanced paddy rice culture of the Cham people, they have a deep understanding of weather and crops (Thu et al., 2010). They have a long-standing reputation for their knowledge of astronomy, which they use to predict the weather by observing the sun, moon, stars, and the behavior of animals and plants (Thu et al., 2010). The activities related to Cham ceremonies take place throughout the year, not only in agricultural production and social activities but also in religious beliefs (Dai, 2016; Dop et al., 2014; Bien et al., 1991). The precise schedule in the Cham Sakawi calendar helps the Cham people to understand good days, good months, non-leap years, leap years, and taboo days, making it an indispensable part of the Cham people’s lives (Dai, 2016; Phan, 2014; Sakaya, 2016).

Significance and Evolution of the Kate Festival

The Katé festival is a significant cultural event for the Cham community, where they come together to commemorate the memory of gods like Po Klaong Girai, Po Rome, and their ancestors who have protected and maintained the community over the past year. They also offer prayers for bumper harvests and the well-being of all beings (Bien et al., 1991; Dop et al., 2014; Sakaya, 2003).

The festival takes place at various locations, from the temples to villages, and even within families (Sakaya, 2003). The official venues for the festival are the temples of Po Klaong Girai, Po Inâ Nâgar, and Po Rome, where ceremonies are conducted simultaneously with similar rituals and procedures (Sakaya, 2003). The festival starts with a procession of the royal clothing of three deities, which are kept by the Raglai ethnic minority, from three Cham Ahier communities in Ninh Thuan to the temples. The procession is a formal event attended by dignitaries, Cham and Raglai dancers, and members of the Cham community (Sakaya, 2003).

The Kate festival is a significant cultural event among the Champā people in Panduranga and is marked by several ceremonial events, including the opening door ceremony, the statue bathing ceremony, the wearing clothes of the statues ceremony, and the great ceremony (Sakaya, 2003). The festival begins at the temple and continues in villages and within families (Sakaya, 2003). The process of the ritual parts of the Kate festival involves various ceremonies such as welcoming new costumes for the gods, opening the temple gates, bathing the statues of the gods, changing their costumes, and offering goat meat, chicken, rice, wine, fruits, and other offerings. The order of these rituals is based on the Cham’s belief in good or bad times and requires early preparation by participants (Sakaya, 2003).

One notable aspect of the Kate festival is the presence of the Raglai people who organize and perform dances and music. Furthermore, the festival extends beyond the temple and encompasses the villages and families in their homes (Sakaya, 2003, p. 258). According to Sakaya (2003), the Kate festival symbolizes the shared cultural heritage of the Champā people, including the Cham Ahiér, Cham Awal, and the Raglai group in the Central Highlands of Vietnam. In conclusion, the Kate festival is owned by the entire Champā community.

In terms of its form, the Kate festival has undergone significant changes over time, growing in size and number of participants. Despite these changes, the Cham people have maintained its spiritual essence (Dop et al., 2014; Noseworthy, 2013). Prior to 1965, the Kate festival was merely one of the four main temple rituals performed in the presence of Cham Ahiér elders and was not a compulsory event for participants to bring offerings for the gods. As a result, the Kate festival was not widely attended, particularly among younger generations (Dop et al., 2014).

However, in 1965, Mr. Duong Tan So, the district head of An Phuoc, recommended to the Ahiér religious leaders that cultural performances be included during the Kate festival to welcome visiting Vietnamese delegations (Noseworthy, 2013). This suggestion, considered an “invented tradition” by Hobsbawm (1983), was embraced by the Cham community and since then, the Kate ceremony has incorporated more festive activities. Consequently, the Kate festival has become increasingly rich and inclusive, involving participation from all generations (Dop et al., 2014).

The Cham people have a saying, “Katé patok dah ka Yang Amâ - Cambuer patok dah ka Yang Ina,” which translates to “Katé is a ritual for the Gods and Cambuer is a ritual for the Goddesses” (Shaklikei, 2016). During the Kate festival, the Cham people worship and honor their ancestors and gods, and pray for the health and wealth of their families and communities (Noseworthy, 2015).

The roots of the Kate festival can be traced back to at least the seventeenth century and the cultural traditions of the Cham people. After the fall of Vijaya-Champā, which was associated with Hindu civilization, the Champā king of Panduranga renounced Hindu worship and instead promoted the practice of Po Yang, a form of polytheistic worship (Sakaya, 2013). As a result, many Cham people today do not remember the names of Hindu gods and are more familiar with Po Inâ Nâgar, Po Klaong Girai, and Po Rome, gods who were once local kings (Noseworthy, 2015).

Since then, the Cham community has transformed Hindu-style temples and gods into spiritual heritage sites of Indigenous significance. For instance, Bhagavati, a Hindu goddess believed to be the wife of Shiva and once worshipped at a temple in Nha Trang, was transformed into Po Inâ Nâgar, the Cham people’s god of creation who is said to have given birth to the country (Noseworthy, 2015). The purpose and meaning of the Kate festival have thus become a celebration of Indigenous symbolism and the majority of the gods worshipped have origins in the Indigenous Cham region, derived from local tales and historical figures (Sakaya, 2013). In conclusion, these festivals illustrate the long-term transformations in the “tradition” of the Cham people.

Similarly, Cham people transformed the temple in Phan Rang, which was originally dedicated to Shiva and named Singhavarmalingesvara, built by King Jaya Singhavarman III at the end of the thirteenth century (Aymonier, 1891), into the altar of Po Klaong Garai, the legendary king and Indigenous deity of Panduranga. This transformation is evidenced by the transformation of the Hindu linga-yoni symbol, a manifestation of Shiva worship, into a statue of Po Klaong Girai (Lafont, 2014). Researchers often suggest that Po Klaong Girai (the legendary king of the Panduranga principality) is just a symbol of Jaya Simhavarman III (King of the Champā Federation) based on this transformation (Dharma, 1999; Lafont, 2014). This transformation also demonstrates the cultural identity of the Cham and their ability to adapt to changes in their traditional culture (Noseworthy, 2014).

A few remnants of Hinduism are still maintained through the Sanskrit mantras recited by Basaih, such as “Om nāmasibayong” or OM in the name of Shiva. However, the significant parts of the Katé ritual originate in Cham culture and include the contents of hymns of Kadhar that appear during Katé rituals, such as the door opening, bathing, and dressing for the god’s ceremonies, and hymns praising the gods, although these processes are similar to Hinduism. All of these rituals are conducted entirely in the Cham language and recorded in Akhar Thrah (Dharma, 2012).

In short, Katé is a ritual festival among the Cham Balamon (Ahier) to make offerings to Indigenous spirits (Noseworthy, 2014). Throughout history, the Cham have incorporated architectural styles from Hindu temples, religious practices of worshipping Shiva, and local innovations in worshipping local spirits. The Hindu elements of Katé are remnants of the long “Indianized” period of Champā. However, Katé remains a custom associated with Indigenous beliefs, localized and attached to a language that dates from the 16th and the seventeenth centuries.

The Katé festival is a celebration that reflects the rich and diverse culture of the Cham community. As noted by Dop et al. (2014) and Noseworthy (2014), the festival is associated with ancient Cham temples and showcases the technical and artistic traditions that reached their peak in Cham history. In addition to offerings, cuisine, and clothing, the festival features unique music, hymns, and praise for the kings, people, and nation, as well as public performances of folk dance and music.

According to Biên et al. (1991), Lafont (2014), and Sakaya (2003), the Cham culture is a fusion of Indigenous cultural elements and foreign influences, such as early Han Chinese, Indian cultures, and religions like Buddhism and Islam. Mus (1934) argues that the Cham culture transformed exogenous religions into beliefs familiar to the Cham people, resulting in specific adaptations of religious practices. This fusion of Indigenous and foreign elements in Cham culture is the result of the interaction of ecological, social, and historical conditions.

Today, the Katé festival is not only a means of preserving the intangible cultural value for the Cham community but is also intended to introduce the unique features of the Cham community and Ninh Thuan Province to local and international tourists, as noted by Dop et al. (2014) and Noseworthy (2013).

Distinguishing Between Living and Dead Heritage Sites

The majority of Cham temples in Vietnam today are located in or near the Cham and Kinh communities due to population growth. Despite this proximity, the current Cham community mostly resides in the Ninh Thuan and Binh Thuan Provinces of South Central Vietnam and does not use these temples for religious practices.

The Cham people have various heritage sites, including shrines (danaok), tower-temples or temples (Bimong Kalan), and ancestral mausoleums (ghur and kut). Most of these sites are considered “living” sacred sites because the Cham maintain and use them for spiritual worship. However, this research focuses on the temples, known as bimon in the Cham language, that have been categorized into two types: bimon bhaw and bimon hadiep. A “dead site” or “bimon bhaw” in Cham language means “no one knows or cares” and has been abandoned without any cultural or spiritual connections due to historical changes, mainly related to the departure of Cham populations from the northern regions of Central Vietnam. In contrast, “living sites” or “bimon hadiep” are considered “living” heritage sites, with both tangible and intangible elements, and close connections with the contemporary Cham community. The Cham community maintains its rich culture in the region and conducts its religious practices through various spiritual activities at these sites.

Regardless of whether the Cham temples are “living” or “dead,” they must still be traditionally located far from Cham settlements to prevent disturbance by the profane actions of the living. This distance is crucial for maintaining the sacredness of the heritage sites. Table 3.2 shows the distribution of the two different types of Cham temples in Vietnam today.

Table 3.2 The classification between the living heritage sites and the “deserted” heritage sites of the Cham people
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This table highlights the significance of Cham temple names in reflecting the status of the temple as either a “dead” or “living” heritage site. Temples that retain their Cham names and are still maintained and used by the Cham community are considered “living” heritage sites, such as the Po Inâ Nagar, Po Dam, Po Xah Inâ, Po Rome, and Po Klaong Girai temples. On the other hand, regions without Cham residents have resulted in the temples becoming “dead” heritage sites, as they are no longer connected with the Cham community from a spiritual perspective.

It is worth noting that despite the growth of population and the presence of people living near the temples, the Cham still maintain a certain distance from their sacred sites to allow the gods to rest.

Despite the crucial role that the Cham temples play in maintaining the cultural and spiritual heritage of the Cham community, the Vietnamese government authorities and heritage managers have not yet adequately acknowledged and protected the different features of these temples. The absence of clear definitions and distinctions between living and dead heritage sites has resulted in a one-size-fits-all approach to heritage conservation, which has negatively impacted the Cham community’s close association with their living heritage.

One of the most prominent and complex aspects of Cham’s living heritage is the spiritual practices that the Cham communities undertake at the temples. The Cham have many different ceremonies, rituals, and festivals that usually take place at regular intervals, such as every year, every two years, and every five years (Noseworthy, 2013). Several of these ceremonies and rituals derive from Indigenous beliefs, including those related to agriculture, and most commemorate the gods, kings, and ancestors. These ceremonies are powerful ethnic symbols for the Cham community.

Today, more and more Cham youth are gaining a growing awareness of their cultural identity and are reviving their culture. The Cham temples and festivals provide spaces where they can gain a deeper understanding of their culture and history, and reinforce their personal and collective identities (Noseworthy, 2013). As a result, the Cham temples are becoming increasingly significant and inspirational for the Cham community and are closely connected to the everyday life of Cham villages and the memory of their ancestors.

Because of the significance of the temples, the Cham have continuously maintained their traditional management systems at these living heritage sites through many historical periods from the era of Champā kingdoms, through French colonialism, to before and after the American War ended in 1975. The traditional custodians are human repositories of religious and ritual knowledge from the upper classes of Cham society (Abdul, 2013) and are held in high repute in Cham communities (Sakaya, 2003). Although the last kingdom of Champā collapsed in 1834, the religious elite has continued to play a crucial role in maintaining the culture, religion, and society of the Cham until the present day. In his recent research, Effendy states that “the religious elite contributed to the development of a strong sense of Cham identity rooted in their lands” (Abdul, 2013). For example, the Ahier religion is a localized form of Brahmanism in the Cham community. Ahier dignitaries have the highest status in Cham society. They maintain and preserve the ancient manuscripts concerning rituals, collective knowledge, and the Cham Sakawi calendar. They also conduct religious rituals. Regarding their social status, they once were the aristocracy and the religious elite and on that basis now maintain Cham “hereditary” customs (Phan Xuan Bien, et al., 1991; Sakaya, 2003; Phan, 2010). They play the highest role in guiding the Cham community to conduct ceremonies and also have an important role in protecting and maintaining the temples.

One example to see how they work in living heritage sites is in Ninh Thuan Province, which is divided into three Ahier community areas encompassing the Po Klaong Girai, Po Nagar, and Po Rome temples. Each temple has its own Ahier religious system led by Po Adhia priests who look after spiritual activities and the Ahier community surrounding the temple and maintain the number of Ahier dignitaries.

The preceding discussion highlights the significance of the Cham temples, which embody a continuity of use, care, connection, and cultural expression and truly embody the idea of a “living heritage” site. This study asserts that the Cham temples encompass more than just the towers and stone/brick structures in their vicinity, but also include surrounding structures, supporting villages, and lands. Over the years, numerous Champā relics and remains have been lost due to wars and natural disasters. Some sculptures have been preserved in museums such as those in Da Nang, Ho Chi Minh City, Hanoi, and other central provinces, while others have been kept by individual collectors. However, much of the Cham heritage is no longer in its original location and has been forgotten by the community due to geographical distance and historical events. Only a few temples in the former principality of Panduranga (present-day Ninh Thuan and Binh Thuan Provinces) are still maintained by the Cham community.