Abstract
This chapter explores whether Hama’s rule of Gaza can be considered a form of rebel governance. After outlining the debate surrounding the concepts of rebel governance, showing their limited benefit in efforts to understand Hamas’ conduct, the discussion illuminates how Hamas has reconciled resistance with governance while battling Fatah, encountering Salafi groups, suppressing dissent, restructuring the judiciary, encountering the “moral decay” of society, and running a distressed public service system. The chapter concludes that Hamas’ approach to governance differs from that of armed groups in civil wars because rather than a rebel group, Hamas is a movement resisting occupation. Therefore, rebel governance theory, operating under the assumption of a civil war background, offers very little for an understanding of Hamas and the views that guide its politics, ideology, and conduct.
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Notes
- 1.
In 1999, these questions were addressed (in Arabic) when the Center for Palestine Research and Studies (CPRS) in Nablus commissioned four Islamists to write on a number of important issues. See also Jamal Mansur, Palestinian Democratic Transformation: The Islamic Perspective; Naser Al-Din Alsha’ir, The Palestinian-Israeli Peace Process: The Islamic Perspective; Maha Abd Al-Hadi, Women in Palestine: The Islamic Perspective; Khaled Al-Hindi, The Palestinian National Reconstruction Process: The Islamic Perspective. What surprised many readers was that these authors expressed the courage to address these topics openly and with a reflective rather than rigid understanding.
- 2.
See Ana Arjona, Nelson Kasfir, and Zachariah Mampilly, eds. Rebel Governance in Civil War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015).
- 3.
David Levi-Faur, ed. The Oxford Handbook of Governance (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012).
- 4.
Francis Fukuyama, “What Is Governance?” Center for Global Development Working Paper 314, January 2013, https://www.cgdev.org/sites/default/files/1426906_file_Fukuyama_What_Is_Governance.pdf.
- 5.
Björn Brenner, Gaza Under Hamas: From Islamic Democracy to Islamist Governance (London: IB Tauris, 2017): 171–200.
- 6.
Levi-Faur: 28.
- 7.
Ibid.: 28–42.
- 8.
Fukuyama: 3.
- 9.
See Mark Bevir, Governance: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2012).
- 10.
Zachariah Mampilly, Rebel Rulers: Insurgent Governance and Civilian Life During War (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2011).
- 11.
Mampilly, Rebel Rulers: 4.
- 12.
Stathis N. Kalyvas, The Logic of Violence in Civil War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006; online version 2012), https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511818462.
- 13.
Ana Arjona, Nelson Kasfir, and Zachariah Mampilly, eds., Rebel Governance in Civil War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015): 2.
- 14.
Jeremy M. Weinstein, Inside Rebellion: The Politics of Insurgent Violence (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006, online version 2012), https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511808654; Donna J. Wood, “Measuring Corporate Social Performance: A Review,” International Journal of Management Reviews 12, no. 1 (2010): 50–84.
- 15.
Arjona et al., Rebel Governance: 3.
- 16.
Thomas Risse, ed. Governance Without a State? Policies and Politics in Areas of Limited Statehood (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011).
- 17.
Frances Stewart and Valpy Fitzgerald, eds., War and Underdevelopment, Volume 2: Country Experiences (Oxford University Press, 2001): 8.
- 18.
“Country comparison Israel vs State of Palestine,” 2022, https://countryeconomy.com/countries/compare/israel/palestine?sc=XE34.
- 19.
Michael Mann, “The Autonomous Power of the State: Its Origins, Mechanisms, and Results,” European Journal of Sociology 25, no. 2 (1984): 185–213.
- 20.
Arjona et al., Rebel Governance.
- 21.
Are Knudsen and Basem Ezbidi, eds., Popular Protest in the New Middle East: Islamism and Post-Islamist Politics (London: I.B. Tauris, 2014); Bassam Tibi, “Islamism and Democracy: On the Compatibility of Institutional Islamism and the Political Culture of Democracy,” Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 10, no. 2 (2009): 135–164.
- 22.
Sara Roy, Hamas and Civil Society in Gaza: Engaging the Islamist Social Sector (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2011).
- 23.
Jonathan Schanzer, Hamas vs. Fatah: The Struggle for Palestine (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008).
- 24.
Hamas won 65 per cent of the votes in the first round in Gaza and 35 per cent in the West Bank, and between 26–36 per cent in the subsequent turns; see Central Election Commission, https://www.elections.ps/tabid/168/language/en-US/Default.aspx.
- 25.
Beverley Milton-Edwards, “Order Without Law? An Anatomy of Hamas Security: The Executive Force (Tanfithya),” International Peacekeeping 15, no. 5 (2008): 663–676.
- 26.
Are Hovdenak, ed. “Public Services under Hamas in Gaza: Islamic Revolution or Crisis Management?" Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO), 2010: 24.
- 27.
Nicolas Pelham, “Gaza's Tunnel Phenomenon: The Unintended Dynamics of Israel's Siege,” Institute for Palestine Studies 41, no. 4 (2011/2012), https://oldwebsite.palestine-studies.org/jps/fulltext/42605.
- 28.
Paul Morro, “International Reaction to the Palestinian Unity Government,” CRS Report for Congress, Order Code RS22659, 9 May 2007, https://sgp.fas.org/crs/mideast/RS22659.pdf.
- 29.
“Gaza Under Hamas,” International Crisis Group Middle East Report No. 73, 19 March 2008, https://www.crisisgroup.org/middle-east-north-africa/eastern-mediterranean/israelpalestine/ruling-palestine-i-gaza-under-hamas.
- 30.
Human Rights Watch, “Under Cover of War: Hamas Political Violence in Gaza,” 20 April 2009, https://www.hrw.org/report/2009/04/20/under-cover-war/hamas-political-violence-gaza.
- 31.
Examples of such groups are Suyuf al-Haq (Swords of Truth), Suyuf al-Islam (Swords of Islam), Jund Ansar Allah (God’s Supporters…, which equals the Palestinian Hizbullah), Jaysh al-Islam (Soldiers of Islam), Jaysh al-Umma (Soldiers of the Arab Nation), Al-Tawhid wal-Jihad Jaljalat (or Ansar al-Sunna), and Da’esh Ghazze (The Islamic State of Gaza); see: Benedetta Berti, “Salafi-Jihadi Activism in Gaza: Mapping the Threat,” CTC Sentinel 3, no. 5 (May 2010), https://ctc.usma.edu/wp-content/uploads/2010/08/CTCSentinel-Vol3Iss5-art2.pdf.
- 32.
“Radical Islam in Gaza,” International Crisis Group Middle East Report No. 104, 29 March 2011, https://www.crisisgroup.org/middle-east-north-africa/eastern-mediterranean/israelpalestine/radical-islam-gaza.
- 33.
An Arabic term for a Muslim authority that declares other Muslims to be apostates.
- 34.
Hamza Abu Eltarabesh, “Showdown Looms between Hamas and Gaza Salafis,” The Electronic Intifada, 13 October 2017, https://electronicintifada.net/content/showdown-looms-between-hamas-and-gaza-salafis/21966.
- 35.
Yazid Sayegh, “Report No. 11: Three Years of Hamas Rule in Gaza,” Crown Center for Middle Eastern Studies, Brandeis University, March 2010.
- 36.
“Radical Islam in Gaza.”
- 37.
Amandine Scherrer, ed. “The Return of Foreign Fighters to EU Soil: Ex-post Evaluation,” European Parliament, May 2018, https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/STUD/2018/621811/EPRS_STU(2018)621811_EN.pdf.
- 38.
“Right to Peaceful Assembly Under the Palestinian National Authority (July 2014 to October 2015),” Palestinian Center for Human Rights (PCHR), April 2018, https://pchrgaza.org/en/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/RIGHT-TO-PEACEFUL.pdf.
- 39.
Ibid.
- 40.
Amnesty International, “Gaza: Hamas Must end Brutal Crackdown against Protesters and Rights Defenders,” 18 March 2019. https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2019/03/gaza-hamas-must-end-brutal-crackdown-against-protesters-and-rights-defenders/.
- 41.
“Hamas Blocks Saudi News Networks in Gaza for ‘Fake News,’” Middle East Monitor, 17 July 2020, https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20200717-hamas-blocks-saudi-news-networks-in-gaza-for-fake-news/.
- 42.
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, “West Bank and Gaza 2020 Human Rights Report,” United States Department of State, 2020: 35, https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/WEST-BANK-AND-GAZA-2020-HUMAN-RIGHTS-REPORT.pdf.
- 43.
Ibid.
- 44.
Entsar Abu Jahal, “Hamas to Try Collaborators in Military Courts, Claiming Legality,” Al Monitor, 27 May 2021, https://www.al-monitor.com/originals/2021/05/hamas-try-collaborators-military-courts-claiming-legality#ixzz7Qs5YH3EV; https://www.al-monitor.com/originals/2021/05/hamas-try-collaborators-military-courts-claiming-legality.
- 45.
“Gaza: Hamas Must End Brutal Crackdown against Protesters and Rights Defenders.”
- 46.
“Abusive System Failures of Criminal Justice in Gaza,” Human Rights Watch, 3 October 2012, https://www.hrw.org/report/2012/10/03/abusive-system/failures-crim2inal-justice-gaza.
- 47.
Recent definitions of antisemitism have included any criticism of Israel, aiming to suppress the expression of solidarity with Palestinians; see Jeffrey Sachs, “Canada’s New Definition of Anti-Semitism is a Threat to Campus Free Speech,” University Affairs, 10 September 2019. https://www.universityaffairs.ca/opinion/in-my-opinion/canadas-new-definition-of-anti-semitism-is-a-threat-to-campus-free-speech/.
- 48.
See, for example, Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor. “2019 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: West Bank and Gaza.” US Department of State. https://www.state.gov/reports/2019-country-reports-on-human-rights-practices/israel/west-bank-and-gaza/.
- 49.
Hovdenak, “Public Services under Hamas in Gaza”: 5.
- 50.
Tristan Dunning, “Islam and Resistance: Hamas, Ideology and Islamic Values in Palestine,” Critical Studies on Terrorism 8, no. 2 (2015): 284-305.
- 51.
Brenner: 138.
- 52.
Hovdenak, “Public Services and Hamas.”
- 53.
Ibid.: 22–29.
- 54.
Are Hovdenak, “Hamas in Gaza: Preparing for Long-term Control?” Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO), 2010, https://www.prio.org/publications/7278.
- 55.
Ibid.: 59–69.
- 56.
Ibid.: 45–71.
- 57.
United Nations Country Team in the occupied Palestinian territory, “Gaza Ten Years Later,” United Nations, July 2017, https://unsco.unmissions.org/sites/default/files/gaza_10_years_later.pdf.
- 58.
Mona Jebril, “The Political Economy of Health in the Gaza Strip (Occupied Palestinian Territory),” Centre for Business Research, Cambridge Judge Business School, University of Cambridge, November 2021, https://www.cbr.cam.ac.uk/wp-content/uploads/2021/11/cbr-special-report-the-political-economy-of-health-in-the-gaza-strip.pdf.
- 59.
Sima Aldardari, “Qatar and Gaza’s Electricity: Mediation, Aid, and Expertise,” The Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington, 26 May 2021, https://agsiw.org/qatar-and-gazas-electricity-mediation-aid-and-expertise/; Fares Akram, “Hamas: Qatar Paying Public Salaries by Sending Fuel to Gaza,” ABC News, 1 December 2021, https://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory/hamas-qatar-paying-public-salaries-sending-fuel-gaza-81470775.
- 60.
According to Public Opinion Poll No. 81, conducted on 21 September 2021, by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research (PSR), the perception of corruption in the PA institutions stands at 83 per cent, while in Hamas-controlled institutions it did not exceed 61 per cent.
- 61.
Sayigh, “Hamas Rule in Gaza: Three Years On.”
- 62.
Benedetta Berti, Armed Political Organizations: From Conflict to Integration (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2013).
- 63.
Randy Borum, “Radicalization into Violent Extremism I: A Review of Social Science Theories,” Journal of Strategic Security 4, no. 4 (2011): 7–36.
- 64.
Jason-Leigh Striegher, “Violent-Extremism: An Examination of a Definitional Dilemma,” 8th Australian Security and Intelligence Conference, 30 November–2 December, 2015, Edith Cowan University Joondalup Campus, Perth, Western Australia: 75–86.
- 65.
Meir Litvak, “‘Martyrdom is Life:’ Jihad and Martyrdom in the Ideology of Hamas,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 33, no. 8 (2010): 716–734.
- 66.
Erik Skare, “Controlling the State in the Political Theory of Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad,” Religions 12, no. 11 (2021), https://doi.org/10.3390/rel12111010.
- 67.
The General Shura Council, which is believed to consist of 50–90 members who represent the movement in Gaza, the West Bank, and prisons Israel, and outside Palestine, is the highest authority that constitutes the movement’s “supreme religious body,” provides legitimacy and supports of its political activities and decisions, and is responsible for setting public policies and approving plans and budgets.
- 68.
Beverley Milton-Edwards, “The ‘Warriors Break’: Hamas and the Limits of Ceasefire Beyond Tactical Pause,” International Peacekeeping 24, no. 2 (2017): 212–235; Khaled Hroub, “A Newer Hamas? The Revised Charter,” Journal of Palestine Studies 46, no. 4 (2017): 100–111; Dag Tuastad, “Hamas’s Concept of a Long-term Ceasefire: A Viable Alternative to Full Peace?” Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO), 2010.
- 69.
Hamas in 2017: The document in full, Middle East Eye, https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/hamas-2017-document-full.
- 70.
Berti, Armed Political Organizations.
- 71.
Michael Yaziji and Jonathan P. Doh, “The Role of Ideological Radicalism and Resource Homogeneity in Social Movement Organization Campaigns against Corporations,” Organization Studies 34, no. 5–6 (June 2013): 755–780.
- 72.
Björn Brenner, Gaza Under Hamas: From Islamic Democracy to Islamist Governance, (London: I.B. Tauris, 2017): 172.
- 73.
Susilo Wibisono, Winnifred R. Louis, and Jolanda Jetten. “A Multidimensional Analysis of Religious Extremism,” Frontiers in Psychology, 18 November 2019, https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2019.02560.
- 74.
Jennifer Jefferis, Hamas: Terrorism, Governance, and Its Future in Middle East Politics (New York: Praeger Security International, 2016): 1.
- 75.
Anchal Vohra, “The Axis of Resistance to Israel Is Breaking Up,” Foreign Policy, 25 February 2021, https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/02/25/the-axis-of-resistance-to-israel-is-breaking-up/.
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Ezbidi, B. (2023). Not Rebel Governance? Hamas’s Rule. In: Fraihat, I., Alijla, A. (eds) Rebel Governance in the Middle East. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-1335-0_10
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