To Move or Not to Move? Drought-Related Internal Migration and Voluntary Immobility Among the Hmong Forest Community in Chiang Rai, Northern Thailand

Abstract

Over four decades, from the 1980s to the 2020s, Thailand has experienced a severe and prolonged drought, primarily attributed to the effects of climate change. Consequently, this drought has led to a significant and pervasive shortage of water resources across the country. Drought has substantial environmental, social, and economic ramifications on farmers, manifesting as diminished agricultural and forest productivity, depleted water reserves, heightened vulnerability to wildfires, and consequent losses in income, food security, well-being, and population displacement. The region of Northern Thailand has seen the emergence of drought as a distinct slow-onset calamity in the country. Chiang Rai is characterised by its extensive forested areas and agricultural landscapes, which provide residence for at least ten ethnic minority groups from neighbouring countries, including Hmong. The survival of these ethnic minority people is dependent on the agricultural production they rely upon. Therefore, climate change has emerged as a catalyst for forced migration. This study examines the social implications of climate-related drought in the Wiang Kaen district, which the Hmong ethnic group inhabits. The analysis focuses on three main areas: (1) the impact of drought on the community’s forced migration patterns; (2) the disparities in perceptions of human mobility between older and younger generations in response to the drought; and (3) the factors influencing well-being, such as food security and adaptive capacity, in the context of climate-related drought. The study reveals that climate-induced migration has become one of the climate change adaptation efforts, especially for economic reasons. The internal migration has patterned at the moving from rural to urban areas in joining the informal sector. Although this effort is positively adopted, the disparity in migration perspective is distinctly reflected between older and younger generations, with particular emphasis on food security and availability. Food sufficiency for the household is considered the benchmark of well-being for the Hmong elderly per se, while the younger generation weightens the currency for sustainable well-being. In addition to climate change adaptation, the older generation has demonstrated their ability to cope with climate-induced drought by using traditional or local knowledge in managing forests and agriculture, acknowledged as a kind of resilience rather than resorting to migration, while the younger generation chooses migration as an adaptation strategy. Therefore, this study acknowledges the significance of climate-induced human mobility as a pressing worldwide issue that poses climate change adaptation for sustainable development, although it has been differently perceived by different generations. Hence, the formulation of policies based on climate change adaptation and resilience by both generations is being undertaken.

1 Introduction

Thailand is located in Southeast Asia and is bordered by countries including Cambodia, Laos, Malaysia, and Myanmar. Thailand has seen a notable increase in temperatures ranging from 0.10 to 0.18 °C every decade over the period spanning from 1979 to 2005.¹ A reduction in both the frequency and amount of precipitation and an increase in the severity of precipitation events also accompanied an increase in annual mean temperatures.² The changes in the spatial arrangement, occurrence rate, and strength of precipitation events have significantly influenced the volume and characteristics of water reserves in the hydrological basins of Thailand. It is estimated that by the century’s conclusion, there will be an increase in average temperatures and an increased probability of heat waves, particularly in the southern regions of Thailand.³ It is also anticipated that Thailand will see an escalation in extreme events, including prolonged floods and drought, landslides, and intense storm surges.

Drought is a very destructive phenomenon in the area. Over almost three decades, from 1978 to 2007, the Royal Irrigation Department (RID) of Thailand and the Thai Meteorological Department (TMD) observed a consistent decrease in yearly precipitation, ranging from 900 to 1700 mm. The duration of the dry season has extended beyond its previous length, resulting in significant challenges for individuals during periods of severe drought.⁴ In 2010, several regions in Thailand declared that they were experiencing severe disaster due to shortages of water. Because the tropical rainy season ended earlier than usual in November 2009, together with global warming and the El Nino phenomenon, Thailand experienced unusually hot weather and a lack of rainfall at the beginning of 2010.⁵ After the 2010 drought coupled with the adverse floods, the Department of Disaster Prevention and Mitigation in Thailand documented that 46 out of 76 provinces in the nation had experienced drought in 2014. Among these provinces, the northern area, particularly Chiang Rai Province, was afflicted. The mean monthly precipitation during the rainy season in the reference period is around 196 mm, but the precipitation during the rainy season in the most recent year was roughly 192 mm. Consequently, the anticipated variation in rainfall in the northern area is predicted to be within a narrow range of 100–200 mm compared to the baseline rainfall data.⁶ Thais residing in the northern region, namely in Chiang Rai, had significant difficulties as they were unable to engage in fishing, which serves as a crucial means of revenue and good source of protein. This predicament arose due to the river experiencing exceptionally low water levels, impacting the communities’ access to drinking water, agricultural needs, and livestock.⁷

Consequently, drought is likely to harm crops by reducing the amount of land available for cultivation, eventually affecting the yield of crops, resulting in a loss of revenue, and other social problems. The phenomenon of climate change-induced migration has had a significant impact on those affected by natural disasters. The process of internal migration from rural regions to metropolitan areas, particularly Bangkok, has had a significant impact.⁸ As mentioned by Burrows and Kinney in 2016, drought has been associated with a rise in both temporary movement (as a means to broaden sources of income) and permanent migration, leading to an escalation in permanent resettlement.⁹ Moreover, the potential for unequal distribution of the consequences among different social groups, particularly those economically disadvantaged and marginalised, is very high due to variations in adaptation policies and plans.¹⁰ The concept of migration in relation to climate change has been reconceptualised as the promotion of social resilience.¹¹ Hence, migration is acknowledged to have beneficial impacts.

According to the Ministry of the Interior, 64 out of 77 provinces, including Chiang Rai, experienced severe drought in 2010.¹² In Chiang Rai, droughts occur frequently, resulting in low water quality.¹³ This climate-related catastrophe is anticipated to have the most significant impact on the agricultural sector because the agricultural sector serves as the primary source of income and employment for a considerable portion of the populace while also making a substantial contribution to the country’s overall gross domestic product (GDP). In the rural areas of Thailand’s northern region, especially Chiang Rai, small-scale family plantations have become the centre of economic activity. Drought and heightened temperature are projected to have a detrimental impact on agricultural output. Consequently, the decline of agricultural production in rural areas in Chiang Rai resulting from drought could significantly undermine food security and exacerbate the socio-economic circumstances of impoverished rural populations, forcing some to migrate, even if others may experience forms of climate-related immobility.¹⁴

Migration¹⁵ is a frequently used approach for adjusting to the fluctuating patterns of agricultural production, land constraints, and economic instability in the light of climate change.¹⁶ Before the manifestation of climatic effects, individuals resorted to migration, especially from the rural regions, to adapt to the changing livelihood patterns. However, in the light of the emergence of climate change, there has been a notable rise in migration, driven by the need for mitigation and adaptation and social, political, and economic considerations. The act of migration has the potential to alleviate challenges faced by traditional agricultural communities, such as the decline in crop production due to prolonged and intensified periods of drought.¹⁷ When mitigation strategies are well planned and executed, migration may be a viable approach for safeguarding livelihoods and fostering resilience.

The migration of vulnerable families lacking access to land and facing abject poverty often represents a critical means of ensuring their survival when faced with disasters like droughts. However, it is to be noted that such migratory patterns might undermine their resilience. For example, individuals who migrate during droughts or famine may provide little or negligible remittances, yet migration concurrently diminishes the labour pool available for domestic food production.¹⁸ Conversely, migration can undermine the communities where individuals move from and those who receive them.¹⁹ In addition, it has been shown that migrants or individuals from vulnerable groups can experience limited prospects for local adaptation or the ability to relocate to mitigate risks.²⁰ Individuals who find themselves in perilous circumstances and express a desire to migrate but lack the means to do so are a matter of specific concern, as they may face a heightened vulnerability to poverty and mortality.

This chapter elaborates on the case study conducted in Wiang Kaen district, located in Chiang Rai Province, which serves as the residence of the Hmong ethnic community. The first three parts examine the interconnection between climate change, forest communities, the agriculture sector, migration, and the Sustainable Development Goals. The initial section examines the intersection of forest communities, agriculture, and climate change to gain a comprehensive understanding of the regional circumstances. The second section examines the role of climate change, particularly drought, as a significant factor influencing migratory patterns. The third section explores the significance of migration as a tool for enhancing societal resilience. The fourth section pertains to the methodology employed in the research, whereas the fifth section comprises an analysis of the social impacts in Chiang Rai. The analysis primarily centres on three key aspects: (1) the impact of climate-related drought on the occurrence of forced migration within the community; (2) the disparities in perceptions regarding human mobility resulting from the drought, between older and younger generations; and (3) the factors influencing well-being, such as food security and adaptive capacity, in the context of climate-related drought.

2 Climate Change Issues, Adaptation, and Mobility Pattern in Thailand

Thailand has already experienced the impacts of global climate change. Thailand’s annual temperature has risen by approximately one degree Celsius from 26 to 27° between 1981 and 2007, and it is predicted to increase by 1.2–1.9 °C by 2050.²¹ In addition, the number of rainy days and the level of precipitation in Thailand has decreased over the last fifty years, and it has led to prolonged drought, especially in the Mekong River.²² Along with the drought and the increase in temperature, Thailand has suffered from coastal erosion and sea level rise caused by changes in sediment loads, land subsidence, and loss of mangroves.²³

Northern Thailand, especially Chiang Rai, is recognised as one of the eight hotspot provinces in the Lower Mekong Basin region experiencing significant changes in temperature, precipitation, and flooding, including smoke and haze problems caused by wildfires and open-space burning, and this has resulted in environmental problems that have negatively affected the regional climate, the environment and socio-economic development, and in particular, the health of the region’s population.²⁴ Chiang Rai stands out as a province that is vulnerable to climate change.²⁵ It is due to an analysis of environmental degradation and ecological collapse caused by the alleged impacts of anthropogenic activities, e.g. deforestation and urbanisation.²⁶ Therefore, the adaptation has to be enhanced, and its planning needs to be addressed autonomously, driven by how actions can reduce risks, environmental degradation, and climate change.

Besides, Chiang Rai is home to at least 60% of the seventeen ethnic groups in Thailand,²⁷ such as Akha, Bisu, Dara-ang, Hmong, Isan, Karen, Khmu, Lahu, Lisu, Lwa, Mien, Tai-Yuan, Tai-Lue, Tai Khun, Tai Ya, Ta Yai, and Tai Yong, and is possibly the area with the highest ethnic group population inhabitants in the northern region.²⁸ These ethnic groups with cultural diversities have driven Chiang Rai’s tourism industry to promote the slogan ‘City of Art and Diversity.’²⁹ These ethnic groups have experienced migration in history due to several reasons, such as civil war, shifting cultivation, land settlement, drug problems, and deforestation.³⁰ In addition, there are six main ethnic groups residing in highland Thailand, namely Akha, Lahu, Lisu, Mien, Karen, and Hmong.³¹ Specifically, the Hmong reside primarily in the Wiang Kaen and Mae Suai districts of the Chiang Rai province.³² This ethnic group of Hmong migrated to Thailand searching for new Swiddens, most notably for opium poppy growing—which quickly depleted the soil—and spread among the Hmong in the mid-nineteenth century.³³ However the Hmong community has ameliorated and acculturated their native culture through the generations. While the elder Hmong are still maintaining native customs and traditions, for instance, in family matters, agriculture practices, and so forth, the young generations are slowly acculturating to Western society, which chooses dominant intra-personal matters over their native identity, including migration to obtain more opportunities and material capital.³⁴ The native culture of the Hmong remains patriarchal, emphasising the power of males to provide security, take care of finances for the family, farming and hunting, while female Hmong take on the role of caretaking and cleaning, with young females possessing skills in sewing and garment making.³⁵ Therefore, the most common reason for the Hmong community migration refers to well-being and factors, specifically agriculture and economic factors.

Additionally, climate change becomes one of the major reasons for migration due to its impacts on social, economic, political, and demographic variables, influencing the quality of life and geographical distribution of human populations.³⁶ Sakdapolrak et al. [25]³⁷ indicate that both existing mobility patterns and post-disaster migration can be necessary and deemed a suitable adaptive reaction for individuals and households. For instance, ‘migration as adaptation’ views migration as a means for families to diversify their income³⁸ and distribute risk. It is particularly so for small farmers who rely on rainfed agriculture,³⁹ where environmental problems are common and a sparse period is characteristic.⁴⁰ Warner [24] highlights that the convergence of two important issues, namely human mobility and climate change, is posing significant challenges to governments in managing cross-border migration and refugees.⁴¹ While there has been much research on climate-induced migration caused by flooding in Southeast Asia conducted by scholars like Carl Middleton et al., this work specifically examines a case study on migration resulting from drought. In 2017, Carl Middleton et al. said that common migration follows a pattern of spatial mobility, including rural–urban, rural–rural, and transnational movements, which result in economic, environmental, and socio-political disruptions.⁴² In 2013, Lebel explained that migration can be either permanent or temporary, depending on the feasibility or desirability of adaptation, as well as the potential for the environment to recover, among other factors. This suggests that migration could serve as a significant strategy for adapting to climate change and that internal migration within a country is likely to surpass migration across international borders.⁴³ In addition, migration may be seen as a possible reaction to the negative effects of activities conducted outside of a specific location. This migration can be seen as a deliberate action taken by individuals, referred to as ‘slow-forced displacement,’ as shown by the building of a dam in southern Laos, resulting in increased vulnerability.⁴⁴

Additionally, migration can be interpreted from a vulnerability perspective. It facilitates a deeper understanding of the associated relationships by contextualising the environment-migration nexus: household members are exposed to many inter-personal and ecological factors, including stresses related to climate change. Migration in this context could indicate that the local ability to adapt has failed as a means of adaptation, or a development strategy that reduces susceptibility and increases resilience. Migration as an adapting strategy reflects insights from this line of research by situating (environmental) migration within the larger context of rural existence,⁴⁵ recognising migration as not (solely) an emergency but a regular aspect of how people make a living⁴⁶ and theoretically locating migration within the structure of vulnerability and resilience.⁴⁷ As a result, human mobility has been influenced not merely by economic factors but also climate change.

3 Forest Community and Agriculture in Thailand

Forests cover thirty percent of the entire geographical surface of the planet. Ten countries account for two-thirds of the world’s forest area, while 57 countries have less than 10% of their land area covered by forests.⁴⁸ In Thailand, seventy-two percent (72%) of the extant forest community resides in North and Northeast Thailand, including in Chiang Rai, where natural forest species are found. Moreover, most impoverished people are also reported to live in these two regions.⁴⁹ The forest is often the fundamental pillar of their heritage and culture. The term ‘forest community’ is used comprehensively in the context of the chapter to include elements such as initiatives, institutions, and procedures that aim to enhance the involvement of the local people in the regulation and management of forest resources. The forest community encompasses a range of dimensions, including social, economic, and conservation aspects, evident in various activities. These activities include traditional management of culturally significant sacred sites, the operation of small-scale forest-based enterprises, the implementation of forestry out-grower schemes, the establishment of company-community partnerships, and the adoption of decentralised and devolved forest management approaches.⁵⁰

Preserving forests is recognised as an important strategy for protecting biodiversity and the human race. Local populations heavily depend on forests as a primary provider of sustenance, including food, fuel, fodder, and building materials. Locatelli et al. in 2011 mentioned that forests, sometimes called ‘forests for people’s adaptation,’ contribute significantly to the communities’ and societies’ adaptation to climate change.⁵¹

There is a growing acknowledgement that well-managed ecosystems have the potential to assist civilisations in adapting to existing climate threats as well as future climate change via the provision of diverse ecosystem services. Forest ecosystems play a crucial role in facilitating adaptation efforts by offering valuable local ecosystem services that effectively mitigate susceptibility of societies to the impacts of climate change.⁵² For instance, mangroves serve as a protective barrier for coastal regions, safeguarding them from potentially intensified storms and waves resulting from climate change and increased sea levels. Forest products serve as a crucial support for local populations when climatic occurrences adversely affect crops. The preservation and effective governance of ecosystems and their associated services can provide many socio-ecological advantages and foster enduring strategies for adapting to climate change in the long run.⁵³

On the other hand, it is essential to note that existing forests, including community forests, are expected to encounter direct and indirect impacts of climatic change through changes in temperature, droughts, etc.⁵⁴ The earliest indicators of climate change impacts on forests include the decline of forests on former permafrost soils in Canada and Alaska and the decline of cloud forests in the tropics. Furthermore, there is a global increase in the frequency and severity of forest fires, a shift in the timing of germination, and a rise in insect and disease outbreaks.⁵⁵ These climatic impacts on forests would seriously compromise the value of goods and services provided by the forests. Such a scenario becomes heavily burdensome for ethnic minorities, whose livelihood and food security are already affected by reduced agricultural output due to droughts. However, in stark contrast to the agricultural sector, choices pertaining to the management of forests, such as the choice of tree species, possess a long-lasting and irrevocable impact that may last for many decades or even centuries. Conversely, a certain amount of time will be necessary to determine suitable seed sources for modified climatic circumstances.⁵⁶

For instance, the northern region of Thailand (Chiang Rai) is now experiencing a prolonged period of increase in the cultivation of monocropped maize. Local peasants and small-scale farmers mostly carry out this practice to meet the demands of the global animal feed industry, which has a significant presence in Thailand. The prevalence of maize monoculture in agricultural landscapes and its economic significance for farmers has raised several social and environmental issues. These include farmer indebtedness, food insecurity, forest destruction, and seasonal burning. One instance is the attribution of severe particulate matter haze pollution in urban areas due to the actions of peasants burning their fields. However, these peasants often argue that this attribution lacks contextualisation and fails to acknowledge the crucial role played by global-scale cattle agriculture in driving these dynamics.⁵⁷ In addition, a sizeable proportion of ethnic minorities reside in and around protected areas, particularly those adjoining neighbouring nations. This area is a resource of non-timber forest products (NTFPs), which refers to materials collected from natural or man-made forests and riverine habitats and used to support local livelihoods. It is essential for all rural communities to contribute significant proportions of food and nutrition, especially during seasons of rice shortage, and contribute to the household economy through the sale of high-value products.⁵⁸

It has been noted that the growing dependency on agriculture among the Hmong community is under threat due to climate change. The linkage of climate change, agriculture, food production, and community forest has been seen from the data of the World Bank in 2012.⁵⁹ The data predicted that between 35 and 122 million people in 2030 would be in the poverty scenario because of climate change. Climate change can potentially exacerbate poverty and food insecurity among forest communities,⁶⁰ notably in Thailand, rendering them more susceptible to migration. Hence, it is imperative to recognise the gravity of the impacts of climate change on forests, agriculture, and consequent human migration, especially on ethnic minorities who rely on agriculture, and promptly investigate pathways for its resolution.⁶¹ With this background, this study elucidates the Hmong ethnic minority forest community, climate change, and migration. This study has been conducted through empirical study; as a result, the next topic elaborates on research methodology, which will be expounded upon in the subsequent part.

4 Methods Employed in the Research

This study used a qualitative research design using an ethnographic methodology. The primary strategy for data collection was the utilisation of structured interviews. The selected villages for the survey are located inside the administrative boundaries of Wiang Kaen district in the province of Chiang Rai, in the northern region of Thailand. Wiang Kaen is a landlocked district bordering Thailand and the Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Fig. 1). The entire area of Wiang Kaen is 526 km². More than 40% of the national reserve forest in the area has been encroached upon by human settlements and agricultural activities.⁶² The region has nine distinct ethnic groups that have traditionally depended on shifting agriculture and slash-and-burn practices for sustenance. The mean income of the inhabitants in the district is below the national average.⁶³

Fig. 1

Source https://earth.google.com/web/search/Wiang+Kaen+District,+Chiang+Rai

Research site in Wiang Kaen, Chiang Rai Province.

Ethnic minorities from the Hmong group inhabit the community forest in the region. According to Lee [43], the Hmong community resides in elevated regions with a moderate climate and abundant flora. These geographical areas provide the Hmong people opportunities for engaging in agricultural practices, animal rearing, hunting, gathering, and limited fishing.⁶⁴ The community in question exhibits exemplary forest management practices, although its agricultural methods continue to rely on slash-and-burn tactics. The agricultural productivity in this area has been adversely affected by a prolonged period of severe drought spanning many years, forcing people to migrate.⁶⁵ However, migration is often seen as a strategic response to address nutritional security and foster economic growth, a phenomenon observed throughout history, particularly in the case of Chiang Rai in 1905.⁶⁶ Based on the literature assessment, the hypothesis posits that migration in the region is influenced by climate change, specifically concerning its effect on agricultural productivity and food security.

The field study was done throughout the period spanning from May 2023 to August 2023. Two interviews were conducted for each selected home, with twenty interviewees in the designated region selected using purposive sampling. The participants were asked for permission to be interviewed with ethical approval from Mae Fah Luang University, Chiang Rai, Thailand. Each interview was conducted for 30–45 min. The sampling was selected according to preliminary research in 2019 when the author had conducted research on the ‘Forest Act’ movement in Thailand, and this community showed the author the example of the sustainable slash-and-burn practice. Due to this reason, continuous research on community forestry has been considered, and gradually, the topic has been taken with an overview of environmental sustainability in climate change. The interviewees were selected through the inclusion and exclusion criteria, such as (1) experiencing more than ten years in agriculture, (2) from the Hmong community, and (3) practicing traditional agricultural practices. The interview provided precise insights into viewpoints about the danger of climate change and migratory patterns associated with climate-related factors. Each successive interview provided an opportunity to the residents to engage in further introspection regarding their utilisation of local knowledge in adapting to climate change, thereby facilitating a more comprehensive understanding of the ramifications of drought induced by climate change within the framework of the migrant household’s social, economic, political, and environmental necessities. The primary emphasis of these interviews was forest management and agricultural practices, with a secondary discussion on climate change.

This study analysed the interviews conducted with village respondents with content analysis to determine the prevailing patterns related to their perceptions of climate change danger, social relationships, and emigration patterns. Examining the topics pertaining to understanding climate change, adaptation, and migration strategy among migrants concerning social resilience yielded three primary themes: (1) the impact of drought on the community’s forced migration patterns; (2) the disparities in perceptions of human mobility between older and younger generations in response to the drought; and (3) the factors influencing well-being, such as food security and adaptive capacity, in the context of climate-related drought. The objective of the thematic analysis was to ascertain the primary themes and sub-themes. The following section provides a comprehensive analysis of these three themes. To ensure the confidentiality of the participants, their names and identification details have been altered.

4.1 The Influence of Climate Change (Drought) on Hmong Community Forest Management

To fully grasp the impact of climate change on a community, it is crucial to first ascertain the perception of climate change within that group. This understanding is essential for comprehending the subsequent experiences and knowledge that shape their capacity to adapt.⁶⁷ The present study revealed the perception of the Hmong community concerning climate change, as shown in Table 1.

Table 1 Hmong’s perceptions of climate change over the last 10 years (2012–2022)

Table 1 focuses on four critical aspects of the climate change perspective. Approximately 15 respondents of the Hmong population have seen the onset of climate change. The authors observed that climate change significantly impacts agricultural productivity and food security. Several respondents noted that there has been a decline of around 30% in agricultural productivity. The respondents noted that the circumstances necessitated an increased expenditure on acquiring paddies of rice. Consequently, the respondents indicated that buying rice in higher amounts increased their feelings of uneasiness, given that their food dependency relies on their agricultural output.

Due to climate change, rice production has been consistently declining, which has had a significant impact on food security. As a result, we have had to purchase more rice or paddies from external sources, leading to increased expenditure on rice, said one of the respondents.

A small proportion, namely five respondents, have not seen the climate change phenomenon since they believe there has been no substantial alteration in air quality and environment. However, they acknowledged the reduction in the availability of food items. It is seen in their consistent emphasis on maintaining enough consumption within their households.

In my household, I have an ample supply of rice from my field, although currently, I do not have a surplus that I can sell. However, I believe that the weather and surroundings remain unchanged. I feel the same, said one of the participants.

Similar to the community’s observation of climate change, it has been shown that a significant majority, namely 15 respondents, perceived that the prolonged onset of a disastrous occurrence continues for a period that exceeds their memory from ten years ago. It has been observed that the duration of drought has increased, leading to significant implications for agricultural practices, such as the slash-and-burn technique. To engage in the practice of slash-and-burn agriculture for an extended period of around 30 days beyond the seasonal dry season, the resources must be plentiful. This time often occurs during the Songkran period, from March to April. As a result, the initiation of agricultural practices must be postponed, with concerns raised over the potential impact on livelihood security and income. Although a significant proportion of respondents perceive slow-onset disasters as being of longer duration, it is worth noting that a minority, including around 5%, have a different perspective on slow-onset disasters as being of longer duration. The respondents asserted that they continue to maintain adequate consumption levels and perceive the temperature in a manner consistent with their previous experiences. The continuation of agricultural practices enables farmers to sustain their agricultural output by cultivating alternative crops, such as vegetables, and traditional crops, like rice, corn, and maize.

In addition, the perception of temperature rise and unpredictability of weather has the most significant affirmative response rate of 60% and 55%, respectively. The respondents noted that they learn from climatic patterns, such as recurring rainfall in a cyclic pattern of ‘one week of precipitation followed by one week of dryness.’ The respondents noted that farmers have several challenges when changes in weather conditions impact their agricultural processes. Furthermore, the respondents involved in paddy cultivation have encountered weather changes and temperature fluctuations, which have considerably impacted the quality of rice produced and the quantity of paddy harvested. Additionally, respondents said they could foresee weather conditions by using their familiarity with local weather patterns.

Climate change has emerged as a significant determinant impacting the quality of life and overall well-being. The notable decline in food availability and security threatens their livelihood. Besides, Hmong communities residing inside or close to protected forests, including special-use forests such as national parks or nature reserves, are subject to stringent regulations restricting their legal entitlement to use non-timber forest products in these areas.⁶⁸ As a result of the limited economic prospects and choices available in mountainous regions, some of the Hmong people, particularly those who are economically disadvantaged, see forest exploitation, including the unauthorised cutting of wood, as a potentially feasible means of sustenance.

In contrast, most ethnic minority groups, especially the Hmong, who are local or traditional inhabitants, possess distinct perspectives and behaviours around climate change alongside their unique values and goals. These factors aid their potential to actively contribute to the mitigation and adaptation efforts associated with climate change.⁶⁹ Based on their familiarity with the local context and their position within the social hierarchy, these ethnic minorities might be categorised as a vulnerable group; however, their adaptation is reflected in the pattern of their agricultural activity.

It is to be noted that the preservation of a diverse ecosystem, landscape, and cultural and linguistic heritage is contingent upon traditional communities serving as custodians of resilient social-ecological systems. In the present scenario of forest management at the local level in Thailand, it is customary for officials at the village and commune levels to proactively safeguard their constituents against forest protection authorities. To ensure climate and political justice, it is imperative that the global community consistently prioritises the recognition of the rights of these communities.

4.2 The Age Difference in Migration Perspective

The historical account of Hmong migration to Chiang Rai reveals that the Hmong community has long included migration as an integral aspect of their experiences. The respondents in question have a good emotional disposition and are actively engaged in constructing a new community resembling their prior group via assimilating their cultures and traditions.⁷⁰ In the late nineteenth century, their migration to the Nan Province of Northern Thailand was induced potentially by livelihood needs, especially for the cultivation and sale of opium (Papaver somniferum L.) in the region.⁷¹ Later, due to the destruction of the numerous opium fields by the Thai Army in 1967, a tremendous number of Hmong from the Nan province moved to the highlands of Laos. However in 1975, another Hmong migration influx of 116,000 people took place from Laos seeking refuge in Thailand, due to the Communist rule over Laos that continued until 1990.⁷² In fact, the Hmong people reside in 13 northern provinces, with the most important ones located in the mountainous area of Chiang Rai.⁷³

In addition to discussing the perspective of climate change, this study also provides an in-depth analysis of the lived experiences of the respondents with respect to migration. The demographic characteristics of key respondents have been categorised into several age groups to enhance the perceptions about migration. Figure 2 presents the distribution of age groups, indicating that 11 respondents (55%) fall into the 25–50-year age range, while nine respondents (45%) belong to the 51–80-year age range.

Fig. 2

Age differences of study

Four primary points are emphasised on the causes influencing migration: quality of life, economic considerations, climate change, and adaptability. The majority of the respondents agreed with the notion that migration has positively impacted their standard of living and economic conditions. Throughout their migratory history, the respondents have engaged in the process of movement with the primary objective of cultivating crops for commercial endeavours. Indeed, the younger lot in the group agreed that climate change and consequent reduction in agricultural productivity contribute to migration. The researchers also discovered that a growing demand for resources and daily financial constraints prompted individuals to seek more secure employment opportunities actively.

Climate change has a substantial influence on migration. I need relocation from my current community in order to establish a stable source of income. There are abundant job opportunities not only within the city but also in other provinces, said one of the respondents.

In contrast, some others in the younger generation refrain from engaging in migration. They continue to hold the belief that their agricultural endeavours provide enough security. The respondents, especially young women, stated that a significant portion of their existence is dedicated to this geographic region.

As a woman, it is more advantageous for me to remain in the village despite the fact that climate change has had a greater impact on agricultural production. For my home, the current amount is still enough for consumption. In order to ensure a stable income, I engage in small-scale entrepreneurship, such as creating handmade crafts and selling them, said one of the participants.

Furthermore, the authors observed that older people do not consider nature as a danger to them but try to preserve the forests and advocate living in harmony with nature and its ecosystems.

We hold the belief that nature is essential for our existence. We must comprehend the functioning of nature because nature bestows onto us the gift of life as well. We must save the environment since, without it, we cannot pass on a legacy to future generations. Protecting nature included safeguarding other organisms, ecosystems, and biodiversity, said the older groups.

Given that a majority of the younger demographic agrees with migration as a means to increase their quality of life, it is evident that they explicitly acknowledge the potential of migration to bolster their ability to adapt and demonstrate resilience. The individual’s ability to generate revenue via a secure and consistent employment opportunity has transformed into an enduring and adaptable capability. For instance, individuals who relocate to other regions for employment may be able to engage in entrepreneurial endeavours. Indeed, the process of their movement is operationalised inside the internal region of Thailand. The respondents indicated their intention to relocate for employment during the dry season, with plans to return to their residences during the planting season or in May. Thus, the migration patterns (outward and inward) operate on an annual basis.

The older Hmong population prefers maintaining their residence within the area. They assume the role of forest custodians and depend on the economic use of forests for agricultural and produce cultivation. After engaging in seasonal crop cultivation, the primary agricultural outputs consist of soybeans, red beans, green beans, maize, peanuts, and other similar crops. In addition, they use community tourism initiatives to promote their products, enhancing their revenue stream. It is posited that, despite the frequency of drought occurrences, many of the older respondents in question believe that migration will not be pursued, as they possess the ability to adapt to the effects of climate change. The Hmong community can use their traditional or local knowledge to adapt and thrive within the context of the Anthropocene period. This group exhibits a notably positive outlook towards their circumstances. Using local forest management experience is seen as a highly productive strategy for enhancing adaptability and resilience instead of relying only on migration.

This study aims to understand the contrasting nature of the migration strategy among the older and younger populations of the Hmong community, specifically in terms of its resilience or vulnerability. Furthermore, the contrasting views of older and younger cohorts within the Hmong community regarding migration give rise to the need to make choices about one’s life trajectory. The older generation does not see migration as a viable response to climate change. In contrast, the younger demographic places a higher emphasis on migration to achieve economic benefits rather than seeing it primarily as a reaction to climate change.

Overall, the research has expounded upon the impact of drought as a gradual-onset catastrophe on the compelled migration inside the Hmong community, specifically regarding their internal migration patterns as opposed to relocating to alternative metropolitan regions in Thailand. Migration has emerged as a viable option for the younger generation of the Hmong community, as they want to attain financial stability. However, it should be noted that many do return to their homeland during the agricultural planting season. The individual’s happiness is centred on food security and the ability to adjust to changes in their crop patterns and explore other crops.

5 Conclusion

This study aimed to explore the existing climatic knowledge of the Hmong community residing in Wiang Kaen, Chiang Rai Province, Thailand. The agricultural production in the area has been adversely affected by the current drought, resulting in food insecurity and a subsequent rise in economic activity. The use of migration or human mobility strategies are applied as a means to address existing issues. The Hmong population sees climate change as a significant issue in their agricultural productivity and patterns. There exists a considerable divergence in viewpoints on climate change between the older and younger cohorts. The elderly Hmong population is endeavouring to adapt their traditional forest management strategies in response to climate change despite the prevalence of drought, over migration. The prominence of migration as a viable choice for young Hmongs seeking secure jobs and income is driven mainly by economic concerns rather than climate change per se, which refers to pattern two of Koko Warner’s human mobility emphasising weather dependency within the domestic rural–urban movement in temporary adaptation mentioned by Carl Middleton et al. and Louis Lebel. Consequently, the study’s findings and subsequent discussion provide a detailed analysis of the contrasting situations between the Hmong community members who have migrated and those who have yet to ascertain the resilience or vulnerability of migration strategies. It was also seen that the migratory patterns present among the Hmong community show that many young people continue to return to their homes to engage in agricultural activities. Furthermore, this study suggests the need for further research on the cultural capital dimension of migration and its impact on life satisfaction. This will contribute to a more thorough understanding of the migratory patterns within this community, particularly with respect to the effects of climate change, which have not been well addressed.