Keywords

Introduction

Algeria’s education system was founded on a socialist economic model. The state religion of Islam has provided its core values in alignment with the 1963 Constitution and the country’s national goals of equality, independence, and liberation. Algeria’s drive toward Arabization aimed to decolonize and reclaim the Algerian identity and reaffirm its Arab-Islamic heritage (Jacob, 2020).

Post-independence in 1962, Algeria had a literacy rate of approximately 10% (Benrabah, 2014). Currently, the education system serves an ever-growing population. In 2020, Algeria’s total population stood at 43.85 million. With an annual population growth of 1.8 million and a youthful demographic profile where 31% of the total population are between the ages of 0–14 years and only 7% are 65 years old or older, Algeria requires quality education and more of it. Adult literacy has risen considerably, reaching 81% in 2018 for those aged 15 years or over (75% for females, 87% for males). Youth literacy rates in 2018 were 97% for individuals aged 15–24 years (98% for males, 97% for females), indicating the near-elimination of gender disparity (Liu et al., 2021).

The growth in demand for education has cast a spotlight on the existing educational system, leading to questions about its adaptability and capacity to serve the educational needs of a burgeoning young population. In response, the Algerian government has invested heavily in the education sector, which has seen approximately 10.55 million pupils enrolled in the 2021–2022 academic year and which is supported by around 510,498 teachers and 287,193 administrative staff. Educational institutional structures numbered 28,585 for the 2021–2022 school year and were comprised of 20,100 primary schools, 5857 intermediate schools, and 2628 high schools (MNE, 2022).

As of 2023, Algeria’s education system features four key stages: primary, lower-secondary, upper-secondary, and higher education, with standardized curricula across schools (MNE, 2022). While publicly funded institutions dominate the system, private schooling is on the rise, along with controversies regarding identity issues (Associated Press, 2023). Ministry of National Education (MNE) oversees national education (NE), and the Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research (MESRS) manages the higher education (HE) sector.

Alongside government investment, a more comprehensive understanding of the educational landscape in Algeria is required, particularly in the context of its sociocultural and economic challenges, as well as its colonial legacy. As presented in Framework Act no. 08-04 (January 23, 2008), Algerian education reform represents a complex interplay of global influences and local enactments. This 2008 Act, particularly Chapters I and II, clarified the roles of the school and spiritual and civic values by emphasizing the Algerian identity; enhanced the unity of the nation by promoting values associated with the triad of Islam, Arabism, and the Amazigh identity; and reinforced this through citizenship education and openness to global movements and integration with them. Critical analysis beyond mere policy statements is essential for exposing the underlying power relations and sociocultural implications of these reforms. In our 2023 book chapter, Abbou and I (2023) discussed the ramifications of reforms for leadership and administration within the Algerian HE sector as the education system transitions toward market-driven models. We examined how cultural factors and personal networks influence leadership dynamics and how policies are interpreted and enacted.

In this chapter, I explore NE as the foundational level of education in Algeria and examine the dynamics, dilemmas, and challenges encountered in the educational reforms in Algeria, particularly in the context of the interplay between globalization, equity, and decolonization. Additionally, the chapter highlights the issues of globalization and its implications for curriculum, pedagogy, and cultural identity in the Algerian education system. By addressing these dilemmas, a deeper understanding of the complexities inherent in educational reforms in Algeria emerges, offering insight for policymakers and educators who navigate the balance among globalization, equity, and the decolonization of education.

This chapter is divided into four main sections, beginning with an overview of the key historical and contemporary reforms, followed by an outline of the research methodology. The third section examines the impact of the reforms’ implementation on the curriculum, while the fourth section then discusses the emerging themes with a focus on the issues around curriculum and pedagogy. I then conclude this examination with a synthesis of the findings, advocating a holistic approach to education.

Overview of Decolonization and Reform in Algerian Education

Educational Reforms and Linguistic Identity in Post-Independence Algeria

While the competence-based approach has driven educational reforms in Algeria since 2003, the questions remain of what being competent means and how learners can be made competent. This is not a technical question, as its responses are embedded in the ontological and epistemological frameworks that drive its definitions, curriculum design, pedagogies, and quality benchmarks. Beyond the knowledge and techne levels, competence demands action, the effectiveness of which develops within its unique sociopolitical context (Rey, 2014).

In the Algerian educational landscape, the linguistic debate presents a deeper complexity of power dynamics beyond the linguistic techne, which intersects with the critical aspects of defining what competence means. The French colonial legacy has significantly influenced Algeria’s administrative and educational structures, most notably through the installment of French as the state’s official language. Algerian independence in 1962 initiated the (re)establishment of a national identity distinct from colonial influences. The Algerian Constitution of 1963 laid the foundation for a socialist democracy and enshrined education as a fundamental right, making the state responsible for providing and funding education. This set the precedent for an education system heavily controlled by the state, including its quality assurance (Lahmar & Abbou, 2023). In 1976, Ordinance No. 76-35 was introduced, which includes the organization of education and training. This ordinance explicitly anchored the education system within the framework of Arab-Islamic values and socialist principles. It mandated compulsory education for all children from ages 6 to16, and stipulated that education should be free at all levels. The ordinance also established Arabic as the medium of instruction (Boumediene, 1976, Articles 2, 5, 7, and 8).

Language policy and Arabization present another complex key aspect in understanding the Algerian educational system and decolonization. The French language represented colonial dominance and oppression (Benrabah, 2014). A primary objective of the newly independent Algerian state was to establish a cohesive national identity, leading to the Arabization policy. This policy sought to replace French with Arabic as the medium of instruction in schools and administration, and Ordinance No. 76-35 laid the groundwork for this (Boumediene, 1976). In 1978, elementary schools shifted to instruction in Arabic, and by the academic year of 1988–1989, Arabic had firmly been installed as the language of primary, intermediate, and secondary education (Taleb-Ibrahimi, 2007).

The Arabization policy sought to develop national unity but instead sparked debates regarding the linguistic and cultural diversity within Algeria. The concerns of the Amazigh community (also known as Berber), who represent a significant demographic in Algeria, epitomize this complexity. Despite Amazigh, which is made up of a spectrum of dialects spoken by North Africa’s indigenous communities, receiving official status as a national language in 2003, institutional advocacy for the language and its cultural derivatives remains a point of contention. The 2008 Act sought to reconcile these disparities, not only by emphasizing the confluence of Islamic, Arab, and Amazigh identities but also by mandating the structured integration of the Amazigh language into the educational framework (Framework Act no. 08-04, January 23, 2008). Nevertheless, this stance has generated other challenges. The drive for a standardized Amazigh linguistic curriculum has been critiqued for potentially overlooking regional dialectical nuances, thereby inadvertently perpetuating the very marginalization it sought to redress. Hence, navigating Algeria’s complex language politics is pivotal for devising and executing nuanced educational reforms while concurrently sidestepping curriculum saturation and the anticipatory resistance.

Despite Arabization, the French language has continued to play a significant role, particularly in HE and on the job market. While the humanities and social sciences had largely transitioned to Arabic, scientific fields in HE remained predominantly French-speaking. Challenges arose for students educated in Arabic throughout NE who were suddenly expected to shift to French at the HE level. In the educational reforms of the early 2000s, French was reemphasized alongside other foreign languages in the Algerian education system (Taleb-Ibrahimi, 2007). Ironically, English is presented as a neutral non-colonial option in the Algerian collective discourse, a counterforce to French neocolonialism and cultural, economic, and political control. Thus, endorsing English while affirming one’s dislike of French has emerged as an expression of an authentic Algerian identity anchored in Arabic (Jacob, 2020).

In these politically and culturally charged contexts, the perceived identities of educational ministers as potent leadership and administrative symbols responsible for building a national identity have remained ongoing areas of contention beyond the classroom (Saidouni, 2021). As Jacob (2020, p. 1016) expressed, “The distinction between French-speakers and Arabic-speakers is important not in defining their linguistic practices but in situating oneself in the political landscape.”

This linguistic context helps explain the reform following the Hirak [Algerian political uprising], which introduced English as a primary school subject starting in the 2022–2023 school year. In May 2022, the President of Algeria, Abdelmadjid Tebboune, issued a directive mandating the incorporation of English into the third year of primary education alongside French: a significant change in the country’s linguistic trajectory that highlights Algeria’s fluctuating linguistic policies (Presidency of the Republic, 2022). These policies were shaped by a colonial past and an evolving identity. However, while the rise of English may erode French influence, concerns have been raised about the hasty implementation of reforms and the overload of the curriculum (Al Jazeera Media Network, 2022).

As the above depicts in terms of the approaches to reform, decolonization, and identity, the Algerian education system has seen multiple transformations since its independence in 1962. Recognizing the broader historical, cultural, and political dynamics that have played out in Algeria is essential to the changing language policies within the system.

Impact of Global Agendas and Reforms on the Algerian Education System

Algeria’s educational landscape has been significantly influenced by its wider political and economic conditions. The 1980s economic crisis, followed by a decade of political unrest and violence in the 1990s, created an impetus for reform that materialized in the early 2000s. The Algerian government viewed education as an essential vehicle for both political stability and economic prosperity and as a catalyst for the country’s evolution in parallel with the global landscape. In this light, the 1980 restructuring project known as the University Map became a forerunner in aligning HE with national development objectives (General Secretariat of the Government, 1989). This heralded a paradigm shift from an entrenched socialist educational system to a more market-oriented model. The 1989 reforms bolstered this transition by emphasizing the augmentation of national capabilities and competencies (MNE, 2016).

The turn of the millennium saw the appointment of the National Commission for the Reform of Education, which identified a deterioration in the educational system characterized by declining pass rates on national exams and soaring dropout rates. The subsequent 2004 reform signified an epochal transition from an administered economy to one that embraced market mechanisms. This had profound ramifications for the restructuring of NE and HE. An integral component of the reforms was the reorganization of compulsory education into primary and middle school education in the 2005–2006 school year. The general and technological secondary education system, which had previously been situated beyond compulsory education, now aimed to foster holistic student development. This emphasized the acquisition of foundational knowledge while also instilling civic awareness and responsibility (MNE, 2016).

Although the reforms have had intrinsic momentum, external drivers such as the United Nations (UN) 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development also exert pressure on Algeria to conform to certain educational goals. This pressure is also mirrored in the agendas of regional entities like the Arab League of Education, Cultural and Scientific Organization (ALESCO, 2022). The Algerian government itself has been vociferous in its claims of having democratized education. The Framework Act no. 08-04 (January 23, 2008) on educational reform resonated with global educational agendas by emphasizing inclusivity and quality education for all and by promoting bilingualism, thus reflecting UNESCO’s advocacy for comprehensive literacy. The Framework Act underscores life-long learning, thus mirroring the UN Sustainable Development Goals’ (SDGs) educational objectives, and encourages so-called modern pedagogical techniques, theoretically aligning with international standards for enhancing the critical thinking and problem-solving skills that are seen as crucial in today’s globalized world. However, it is crucial to question how broader sociopolitical determinants might affect this avowed commitment to free and accessible education. This scrutiny is essential for overseeing the implementation of such principles in actual practice.

Moreover, the Framework Act no. 08-04 (January 23, 2008) delineates the Algerian educational system’s efforts at aligning global pressures with the preservation of a national identity. The adoption of a market economy and the integration of scientific and technological knowledge suggest compliance with the neoliberal ideologies that dominate the global educational landscape. The concern arises over whether such market-driven approaches are consistent with Algeria’s social and cultural fabric or if they stealthily impose frameworks that overlook local contexts such as language. Questions occur about the impetus behind these policies, as well as the power dynamics that are involved. Moreover, how are the various communities within Algeria affected? A global discourse on democratic values may not necessarily retain its significance or applicability in specific Algerian contexts. Hence, analyzing how these values are interpreted and enacted in educational settings and communities and how they engage with prevailing cultural norms is crucial. The role of stakeholders in the educational system, including teachers, students, and parents, requires attention. How these policies affect people’s daily lives and practices and how stakeholders interpret or engage with these reforms are fundamental to the real-world implications of educational policy. For example, the ethos of equity raises probing questions. Does adaptation to globalization (as reflected in restructuring) lead to a more equitable educational landscape or does it exacerbate existing inequalities? Such an examination demands an appraisal of resource allocation, particularly regarding support measures for underprivileged students, and the repercussions of market-driven approaches on both the quality and accessibility of education (Braun et al., 2010). In addition, the interaction between globalization and the preservation of cultural heritage poses intrinsic dilemmas. Hence, a critical analysis must account for a plethora of dimensions, including globalization, equity, and cultural preservation.

Methodology

This chapter is part of the Decolonizing Education for Peace in Africa (DEPA) research project in Algeria, which examines the values of reconciliation and peace within traditional Algerian art heritage. After receiving ethical approval from the Open University (HREC/4669/Raghuram/Lahmar), the study was conducted in Béjaïa, Aïn Beïda, Oum El-Bouaghi, Ghardaïa, and Tamanrasset, with additional follow-up insights from Guelma Province. The data in this chapter were gathered through semi-structured interviews with 15 participants involved in the Algerian education system. The group comprises nine parents (four fathers and five mothers), five female teachers (two primary, one lower-secondary, and two upper-secondary school teachers), and one male school head teacher. NVivo facilitated data exploration, while ChatGPT-4 was used to assist with the translation from Arabic to English and a critical review. As a native Arabic speaker with a native Algerian dialect (Darija), I double-checked the translations for accuracy. All data were anonymized before submission for translation or for NVivo coding. Nonetheless, acknowledging the limitations of both tools is important. I acknowledge that the analysis and write-up remain my own and are original.

Navigating the Complexity of Educational Reform: Insights from the Ground

Curriculum Overload and Relevance

A key theme shared across participants’ evaluations of the education system is the overwhelming nature of the curriculum:

An intensive program with long study hours is exhausting for children, teachers, and the administration alike. (Secondary School Head teacher)

The system is directed toward smart students, as it does not consider differences among students. The curriculum is exhausting for both teachers and parents. Parents need to follow up with their children daily and re-teach at home so that students can absorb the information given in the classroom… The students study things they don’t understand… As for the third year, it is a disaster! Students study two foreign languages alongside eight other subjects. In short, the program is cramming them with information. (Parent A)

That the curriculum is described as “exhausting for both teachers and parents” suggests that the quantity of content is prized above the quality of learning. A dense curriculum can overwhelm students and hinder their ability to absorb and retain information and develop advanced transferable skills beyond rote learning (Campbell-Phillips, 2020). This is particularly concerning in early education where foundational skills are critical. An overloaded curriculum also places undue pressure on teachers who must cover a vast amount of material in a limited timeframe (OECD, 2020).

Parent B also described the intensive and extensive curriculum. She noted the changes in curriculum and content, something similarly highlighted in three teachers’ accounts and each parent account. For example, all parents were concerned about the early introduction of complex subjects. Parent B pointed out that third-year primary students are introduced to complex subjects and two foreign languages without adequate resources or teacher development to support their learning.

Our children, the apples of our eyes, are exhausted because of this system, the abundance of the program, and the great amount that is not understandable… Our children’s minds are burdened with programs that have no benefit... Children in their third year of primary school are asked to learn French and English, as well as civic education, which is mixed with scientific education. My God! Children do not have the ability to comprehend these subjects. Isn’t there someone who can relieve our children and understand the difficulty of the matter? (Parent B)

The expressions “exhausted,” “burdened,” “relieve,” and “difficulty” reflect the psychological strain the overloaded program causes. Parent B demanded that the educational system recognize the developmental stages of children and tailor the curriculum accordingly. While having children be exposed to a variety of subjects is beneficial, resources, pedagogy, and balance between breadth and depth are key to implementation, otherwise such variety can be counterproductive (OECD, 2020).

The introduction of English alongside French at an early stage is a controversial issue among parents. Parent B preferred the idea of English being introduced first, then French. However, Parent C described the reform as “a wise decision.” Parent C also highlighted the importance of a balanced and engaging curriculum that not only builds cultural capital but also prepares students for a globalized world through language learning. Besides curriculum content, Parent C raised the importance of children’s motivation and engagement. Parents expressed concerns about the extensive program, fearing that its size and the inclusion of uninteresting and seemingly non-beneficial lessons might lead students to develop a dislike for these subjects. This raises questions about the appropriateness of the content and the methods used to engage students.

The system has lengthy programs, especially in history and geography. We can’t deny that students acquire culture from it, but the extent of the program and lessons that have no benefit and that students don’t enjoy leads to them disliking these subjects. However, concerning learning the English and French languages for young children in primary education, I think it is a wise decision, and we will see its fruits in the near future. (Parent C)

You find a primary school student studying Jugurtha and Masinissa. Are these lessons important for them? Of course not! They’re only eight or nine years old! This is just one example. (Parent D)

Parental concerns about the content in history and geography and praise for language learning suggest a need for balance and prioritization in the curriculum. A critical analysis of which knowledge and skills are essential for students’ holistic development and how the curriculum can be structured is crucial in the reform process to ensure that students are not overwhelmed. An overloaded curriculum also affects the quality of education. Pushing too much content on children without considering the depth of understanding and application can lead to superficial learning (Gouëdard et al., 2020; Sullanmaa et al., 2019).

Pedagogy and Teacher Education

Previous research shows how teachers, constrained by a rigid curriculum and limited resources, often resort to traditional didactic approaches that prioritize rote memorization over critical thinking and active participation (Darling-Hammond et al., 2020). Accordingly, the teacher-centered model dominates the classroom, offering limited opportunities for student collaboration, inquiry-based learning, and the development of the twenty-first-century skills essential to global competition. This contradicts the goals for which the Algerian second-generation curriculum was ostensibly designed. The five teacher participants in this study confirmed the negative impact of curriculum overload on classroom engagement. Teacher A, an experienced teacher at both lower- and upper-secondary phases, said:

The reforms were somewhat improvised; they were not developed according to a real study, which is why they failed to achieve their goals. There is a great overload in lessons; the number of lessons is not proportional to the [number of teaching] hours, yet the teacher is required to complete them according to a timeline that makes it impossible to cover all aspects of the lesson. If they do it, it is at the expense of some students, as the teacher is forced by the time constraints to deal only with high achievers.

Also, overloading the curriculum with many terms that confuse more than benefit students, due to the curriculum being based on quantity over usefulness, negatively affects their learning. (Teacher A)

An implicit call is found for curricular relevance and an inquiry-based approach to curriculum reform that incites quality over quantity, where students are not just passive recipients of information. Another parent suggested that the focus is more on memorization and passing exams rather than on genuine learning and understanding. Overload and reliance on rote learning can stifle critical thinking and students’ ability to apply knowledge in practical settings (Darling-Hammond et al., 2020). Furthermore, this can demotivate students and lead them to disengage from learning, as they may not see the purpose of what they are studying (Renninger & Hidi, 2019).

The second-generation program is a disaster in every sense. It’s packed with content that relies on rote learning, usually without application. They’ve adopted a program without proper study and applied it to our children as if they are lab rats. They teach them theoretically about computers on paper, but there are no computers!… From their first year of primary school, children are exhausted by exams. I consider it a failed system, a program designed only for the brightest, while the average and weaker students find themselves facing a huge challenge to just keep up. (Parent D)

Besides Parent D’s criticism of curriculum overload and lack of relevance, curricular demands are not met by the capacities of students and teachers nor by available resources such as computers. The resource mismatch that Parent D mentioned indicates a lack of alignment among policy, planning, and resource allocation. The absence of the necessary resources not only impedes the learning process but may also send a message to the students about a lack of investment in their education. Moreover, the teachers mentioned the challenges of implementing a new curriculum, specifically referring to inadequate training and the subsequent discrepancies in applying the curriculum.

[T]eachers did not receive proper training regarding the new curricula, which led to a significant variation in their application. Part of this difference is due to teachers not understanding some of what is in these curricula, so each group interprets it according to their own understanding. (Teacher A)

This account underscores the importance of interpretation and context when enacting policy, with adequate professional teacher development being needed to support the reforms. In one way or another, all teachers and parents in this study have called for a review of the current second generation of curriculum reforms.

Change should begin from the first year by teaching only language and mathematics so students can master these two fundamental subjects. A change needs to happen in the third year, separating English and French so that they are not introduced [together]. Additionally, lessons in history and geography drain the students’ energy at no benefit. The program should be reviewed. Recruiting and training teachers also need to be focused on; the problem lies with both the program and the teachers. (Parent E)

Parent E called for rethinking the curriculum, with an emphasis on core skills, structured language learning, and teacher quality. Their recommendations resonate with educational frameworks that stress building core competencies early on to support later learning (Campbell-Phillips, 2020). Their account reflects a concern not only about the relevance of content but also the way it is taught, as well as an understanding that even the best of curricula can fall short if not adequately implemented by competent teachers (Sullanmaa et al., 2019).

Inequity in Educational Opportunities: Private Tutoring and Socio-economic Implications

The “one size fits all” approach does not cater to individual differences in learning styles, abilities, or interests. The theme of a disconnect between a limited range of pedagogical practices (teacher-centered, rote learning) and the diverse learning needs and preferences of students emerged in 14 participants’ responses. Parent F believed the education system is tailored only toward students with high academic capabilities, while others are neglected:

The system serves the students who are excellent, very good, and good. However, the average students will end up on the streets, facing whatever awaits them. (Parent F)

This is a recurring impression among the parents’ and teachers’ accounts. None of the participants believes that the educational reforms are inclusive of students with medium-to-low academic capabilities. Teachers describe how the current system lacks the resources (time, training, and equipment) to cater to the diversity of learning needs, which would require:

revisiting these curricula and rebuilding them to focus more on the practical aspects than the theoretical, taking into account the teaching hours available, and allocating a session for support. Stuffing the program neglects the students with the lowest comprehension, which has made a large number of students resort to private lessons that are now competing with public schools and deprived others whose families have limited income. (Teacher A)

The use of private teaching and the distinction between those who can and cannot afford it raise issues of social justice and equity. The current curriculum appears to have inadvertently reinforced social inequalities by favoring those who can supplement their education through private lessons. Over the past two decades, private tutoring has evolved into a sector paralleling state education. This certainly was not the case from the 1960s–1980s.

Private tutoring has burdened parents. If you speak to teachers, they say: “I am tied to a program that I must complete!” In class, there are 40 students, so private tutoring is crucial for supporting students. Average and weaker students who are not supported by additional private lessons cannot understand the program, especially the scientific subjects. (Parent D)

Parents expressed concern over the curriculum level for young children, the inefficiency of state teaching, and reliance on private lessons plus subsequent implications for families’ finances and inequality. The parents’ accounts also raised the issues of regulation of private lessons and ethical practice:

[Pupils are forced] to take private lessons to fill the knowledge gaps. The disaster is that the private lessons are with the same teacher who teaches them in class. Good heavens, what a terrible situation this is! (Parent G)

Two parents explained the conflict of interest by claiming that some teachers punish pupils with lower exam marks if they attend private lessons with their competing colleagues. One teacher depicted the impact of reform and the influence of market logic on local forms of knowledge:

Teachers used to value all their students, but for many now, teaching has turned into a consumer relationship… The logic of teaching and learning has become grounded in a “pour and dump” approach. This [sic] has forced parents to pay for extra hours, known as private lessons! [In class] the teacher now delivers information to the learners who are distinguished by excellent abilities, neglecting the weaker and average class of students. (Teacher B)

While the abovementioned “pour and dump” approach is indicative of the mechanized information-based approach to teaching, the account also raises serious ethical concerns, highlighting how guidelines around conflicts of interest and accountability are urgently needed. As an equity issue, private tutoring widens the gap between pupils who are already advantaged and those who require more support, potentially leading to a significant disparity in educational outcomes and opportunities among learners.

The shift in the teacher–student relationship is also significant. What was once characterized by a high regard for learners and learning has evolved into a transactional seller–buyer relationship. Such a change is symptomatic of wider societal shifts toward consumerism and commodification.

Psychological and Emotional Toll

I assume you’ve noticed the phenomenon of students tearing up their notebooks after exams. What does this indicate? Certainly, the pressure the student was under: They’ve grown to hate studying, and school has become like prison to them, sadly. There must be a change… plus any new program needs to be carefully examined to ensure a child can absorb it. (Parent D)

The perception of school as “prison” shows how some children may see the school environment as oppressive and devoid of personal freedoms rather than as a place of learning, growth, and holistic development. Teacher C was particularly concerned by the toll that external lessons take on the students:

Learners have started viewing school as something akin to prison, with leaving coming as a huge relief. This is due to the pace of learning that leads learners to take additional lessons outside of school hours, imposing a heavy burden on them and impacting their mental and physical health… There should be a review of the program, curricula, and timing within the context of a comprehensive reform involving all specialists. Because of the overload of curricula, the learner has started to view studying as if it’s a punishment being imposed on them. (Teacher C, Lower Secondary)

Perceiving education as a punishment is a strong indictment of the current educational system, suggesting that it may not address children’s intrinsic learning interests and needs and that it is instead more focused on external standards and expectations. Education should ideally be viewed as an opportunity for growth and a privilege, but burnout leads to students feeling that it is instead a hated imposition. A more balanced approach that takes students’ well-being into consideration is clearly needed.

Parent H was concerned about the impact of homework, particularly on projects that end up requiring excessive parental involvement because they are above the child’s level:

The first problem is the cramming in of subjects and lessons. The child has the right to play a little! I also have a problem with the projects they do at home… [T]hey increase pressure on parents because [the work is] beyond the level of the students, forcing parents to do it with them. (Parent H)

This again suggests a misalignment between the expectations the education system sets and students’ capabilities. While parental involvement in a child’s education is positive, it should not reach a level where parents feel like they are taking on the role of the teacher.

All the effects of these fragmented reforms described above call to mind Fullan’s (2011) caution to policymakers against an overemphasis on what he termed “wrong” drivers of change (e.g., accountability measures such as test results and teacher appraisals). While these measures are important, they can also have unintended consequences if employed in isolation. Fullan (2011) rightly advocated a “whole-of-system” approach in curriculum implementation, which necessitates balancing accountability with opportunities for development. This harmonization may better lay the groundwork for sustainable educational transformation.

The Decolonization of Algerian Educational Reforms: A Holistic Approach

In 1998, the National Curriculum Committee was established to reform Algerian schooling by focusing on two aspects: curricula and textbooks. It pursued three simultaneous paths to rewrite the curricula: the 2003 programs for primary and middle education and the 2005 programs for secondary education. In October 2003, the Algerian Minister for National Education, Boubaker Benbouzid, listed the challenges facing the nation’s educational system. These encompassed three primary internal factors: modernizing curricula to mirror recent institutional, economic, social, and cultural changes; enhancing the overall quality of education; and democratizing access to ensure equality. For Benbouzid, the system confronts globalization’s demand for advanced competencies and the necessity to integrate languages and modern technology into the learning process to equip students for a technology-driven world. Accordingly, he proposed a new, competency-based approach for the lower-NE system (MNE, 2003).

Since 2003, the competency-based approach has been a key idea in educational reform, guiding curricula (known as second generation), pedagogies, and assessment. Benbouzid introduced a guidebook for teachers regarding this approach authored by educational expert Xavier Roegiers (2007) under UNESCO’s support program for the reform of the Algerian educational system. The minister emphasized Roegiers’ expertise and the guide’s potential for improving education, describing it as “a profoundly significant tool for achieving the desired effectiveness in the teacher’s educational performance” (MNE, 2003, p. 7). The Francophone Algerian Minister of Education (May 5, 2014–March 31, 2019), Nouria Benghbrit, was involved in a long-standing controversy regarding the implementation of educational reforms proposed by her predecessor Benbouzid, which she had supported as a key committee member. Concerns were found about the direction of reforms for reasons including the promotion of the French language across the system, the initial inability of the minister to conduct a basic conversation in Arabic, and the engagement of French advisers in the process (Al Jazeera Media Network, 2016).

Between October and December 2014, 55 inspectors had already undergone training, with plans to accelerate the training for a further 50 inspectors by May 2015 (MNE, 2015). The aim was to equip educators with a mastery of pedagogical resources and methods, transitioning from problem-solving to integrative techniques for the final competency evaluations. The Training Directorate collaborated with UNICEF and relied heavily on European expertise, led by French Professor Bernard Rey. The program aimed to generalize the adoption of this approach by Algeria’s education system, starting in primary education over a span of three years beginning in October 2014 (MNE, 2015). While neither Rey’s nor Roegiers’ expertise is in question, the formal privileging of external knowledge in the post-colonial Algerian context necessitates a critical reevaluation, especially when contextualizing educational reforms in light of Algeria’s purported “decolonial” aims. Roegiers is not entirely dissociated from the Franco-centric perspective, and this is an issue of great sensitivity in Algeria. Alongside his academic role, Roegiers is an expert for UNESCO, UNICEF, and the Organisation internationale de la Francophonie (OIF), as well as Chairman of the Bureau international de l’éducation française (BIEF). Although international collaboration can offer expert perspectives, the European, and specifically French, leadership guiding this reform rightly raised ideological concerns, controversy, and colonial sensitivities in the public discourse surrounding the reforms (Al Jazeera Media Network, 2016).

The languages and discourse surrounding policy can shape how stakeholders, including teachers and students, perceive, interpret, and interact with the educational system (Braun et al., 2010). Therefore, can Western-centric European experts fully grasp and address the unique cultural, socioeconomic, and educational challenges and needs of the Algerian context? Here, such reforms are noteworthily deeply rooted in an ongoing contentious national debate about defining the framework of competence within the Algerian sociopolitical historical context. Before 1962, the hegemony of French education was evident, where Islamic and Arabic-centric institutions and pedagogies were limited by colonial subjugation. Post-1962, however, a duality emerged: Francophiles valued French as a post-colonial war trophy and advocated for its continued presence in the educational system to cultivate competent global learners. Contrastingly, the proponents of Arabization championed Arabic as the national identifier, countering the colonial imprint. This divergence depicts a deep-seated polarization surrounding such reforms (Saidouni, 2021).

Educational policies are theoretical texts that, by being open to various interpretations and dependent on context, can produce very different results when put into practice (Braun et al., 2010). For example, Algeria’s policy on educational democracy resonates in theory with global efforts to reduce disparities in educational access, which is a cornerstone of the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals. In practice, however, teachers and parents alike mentioned an overloaded curriculum where teachers focus only on high achievers. The growth of private tuition highlights the financial burden on parents and raises questions about the equity, inclusivity, and educational democracy that these reforms claim to promote. The extent of parental involvement in children’s assignments casts doubt on the alignment of educational standards with students’ developmental stages. Misaligned educational expectations that turn parents into teachers risk placing undue stress on the parent–child relationship (Epstein, 2018). Finally, the top-down approach, which is already a hallmark of the Algerian educational system, risks being exacerbated by the dominant European leadership in making reform policies. These concerns raise questions about the actual implementation of the reforms, which appear to be deviating from the objectives they initially outlined.

Conclusion

This study has been based on a limited sample of 15 participants and indicates that the implementation of the reform policy has had unintended consequences that have potentially widened educational inequalities in Algerian society. A distinct drift toward a market-driven approach has altered the educational landscape in Algeria, influencing traditional pedagogical relationships and encouraging private education’s growth. What this study has also done is shown through teachers’ and parents’ eyes an educational policy that is struggling in practice. In this study, the parents and educators are concerned about the structure, content, lack of technology resources, overloaded curriculum, lack of equity and educators’ professional development needs, and ethical issues with private tutoring. Some striking points the parents raised include students viewing school as a prison or education as a punishment, as well as the overemphasis on memorization versus critical engagement, which together suggest the rejection of a system that feels overly stressful and burdensome. While these insights must be interpreted cautiously due to the small sample size, generalizability is not the aim of this study.

The conclusion suggests a critical need for further in-depth studies to examine these preliminary warning insights. Future research should not only expand participant variety and quantity but also explore the intricate dynamics between educational reforms and the societal context. The discussed reforms under the influence of global educational agendas and European expertise might not fully account for Algeria’s complex sociocultural context and colonial sensitivities. Algeria’s fraught colonial history with France adds another layer of complexity; educational reforms that appear to lean toward Francophone influences can evoke painful colonial memories. This could curtail the long-term effectiveness of such initiatives in the distinct Algerian milieu. For educational adjustments to be both effective and sustainable, they should be carefully aligned with Algeria’s cultural heritage, knowledge systems, and historical context while still drawing from the best international educational practices. This approach encourages the development of learners who are not only equipped to engage with global educational challenges but also who are well-rooted in their cultural identity.