Abstract
This chapter discusses in detail about the vibrant and the vigilant nature of the civil society in Bangladesh. Revealing the civil society’s development and its interaction with other political structures in the political system and identifying the most influencing structure in relation to civil society’s participatory performance are the prime objective of this chapter. The impacts of culture, registration system, donor policy, and the flow of foreign funds have been discussed to understand the vibrant attributes. The political structures like elites, patron–client relations, political parties, as well as the internal features and divisions found within civil society organizations and the civil society networks have been discussed in connection to the vigilant attribute of the civil society. Special attention has been given to the political parties to understand how these structures develop their social support and use the civil society as a mean to achieve their political ends. The chapter ultimately sorts out the political structures that are mostly responsible in shaping the civil society, its strength, network, and its capacity to influence politics and democracy.
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Notes
- 1.
1 US $ = 68 BD Taka (according to Yahoo Currency converter) http://finance.yahoo.com/currency? On May 152,007 and in 2019, 1US $ = 83 Taka.
- 2.
Cooperative Law 2001 and Cooperative Rules 2004, collected from the office of the Joint Registrar Directorate of Rural Development and Cooperatives, Rajshahi Division.
- 3.
http://www.ngoab.gov.bd/site/page/6b921a50-8192-4da3-942d-338870990333/, internet access 9 June 2020.
- 4.
In 2020, the year of finalizing this book manuscript, the situation has not improved. The informal bi-party system has changed to dominant party system (Riaz 2016). The present parliament as well as the previous one lacks strong credible opposition from any standpoint.
- 5.
- 6.
On January 11, 2007 a state of emergency had been declared in Bangladesh and the ninth general election to the parliament had been called off. A non-political, non-elected, technocrat government, strongly backed by the army, came in charge of the state affairs in Bangladesh. Such outcome was the direct consequence of the politics of confrontation, politicization, corruption, and nepotism. This had led to a halt to the democratic process in Bangladesh (Firoz 2015, p. 106). The situation was resolved after 2 years when the ninth general election was finally held in December 2008 conducted by this caretaker government. The election was more or less free and fair and AL and its allies won the election and formed the government.
- 7.
Within 3 years of coming back to power, the AL government passed the 15th Constitutional Amendment in 2011, dropped the provision of a caretaker government during the election season for ever, with the intension to prevent any type of army intervention and dominance of non-political and non-representative sections over the state system. This also meant no hope for the opposition, BNP to win the next election. The small opposition, took their protest outside of the parliament and to the streets (Firoz 2015, p. 138). Despite the violent and unruly situation, the government moved on with the tenth Parliament election. Regardless of the biggest opposition BNP and its allies boycotted the election, the election was held in early 2014, marked by severe violence, taking away 44 lives out of which 23 persons were non-political commuters in the public transports (Firoz 2015, p. 142). The government dealt the problem with strong hands. The opposition’s appeal lost the public support as citizens were tired of violence and disruption of their daily lives and economy for months.
- 8.
In 2014 and 2018 elections, AL in their quest for bringing legitimacy to the elections, formed allegiances with their like-minded left parties.
- 9.
Survey results have been discussed in detail in Chap. 5.
- 10.
According to the Directory of NGOs 2003–2004, Association of Development Agencies in Bangladesh, Dhaka.
- 11.
However, there were clear and reasonable causes for Dr. Zafarullah’s closeness to the autocrat. One of them was for introducing a proper Drug Policy to ensure the cost of medicine within the reach of people of all classes.
- 12.
Personally, Kushi Kabir is sister-in-law of ex-parliament member and ex-minister of BNP.
- 13.
It needs to be mentioned that though Grameen Bank is considered as an NGO in research papers and new reports, it is by law a private bank. So it remains outside the events and conflicts of ADAB and FNB.
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Tasnim, F. (2021). Civil Society and Political Structures in Bangladesh. In: Civil Society in Bangladesh . New Frontiers in Regional Science: Asian Perspectives, vol 46. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-33-4404-4_4
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