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Power to the People: Changing Electoral Strategies of the Prodemocracy Opposition Elite

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Abstract

In this chapter, the electoral strategies of the pan-democratic parties in the postcolonial era, especially after the July 1, 2003 protest, are critically examined. While extant studies focus predominantly on how this historic protest strengthened Hong Kong’s civil society, an underappreciated long-term electoral effect is highlighted here: how pan-democratic parties increasingly relied on the media to draw voters’ support. Consequently, as predicted by the analytical model presented in Chap. 2, the attention of these parties was diverted from the relationship vote to the protest vote.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    See the A1 headline of the Hong Kong Daily News on July 7, 2003, as well as the A4 headline of the Apple Daily and the A9 headline of the Ming Pao Daily News on July 8, 2003.

  2. 2.

    Personal interview with a District Councillor on January 31, 2012 (Code: 22).

  3. 3.

    For instance, filibuster was reportedly used to obstruct the readings of the proposed national security laws in 2003 and the approval of the funding for the construction of the high-speed railway in 2010.

  4. 4.

    Initially, some pro-establishment parties had expressed interest to participate in the by-election (Sing and Tang 2012; Hong Kong Economic Times 2010).

  5. 5.

    Not all prodemocracy activists go for the online option. Tsang Kin-shing, a member of the LSD , has continuously run a traditional radio broadcast station, Citizens’ Radio, in defiance of repeated crackdowns by the government on the charge of illegal broadcasting.

  6. 6.

    It is important to note that the decline is in part due to the DP’s decreasing seat share in the legislature. In 1998, the DP occupied nine out of the 20 seats for geographical constituencies , while in 2012, it could only capture four. But seat share is not the only factor affecting a party’s media exposure. For example, the LSD in 2013 had only one LegCo seat, but its news coverage in that year was four times that of the ADPL and seven times that of the NWSC . The two latter parties also have one seat each in the LegCo.

  7. 7.

    Ironically, Leung Kwok-hung, who joined a Trotskyist vanguard party in the 1970s, is now viewed by his ultraleft comrades as a “traitor of the revolution” because of his association with the establishment (Xu 2013, p. 174).

  8. 8.

    The CP-LSD alliance had unilaterally lowered the benchmark for victory, as the by-election neared. But the turnout rate still failed to meet their lowest target.

  9. 9.

    Much of the internal strife was caused by a DP District Councillor, who quit the party in an attempt to apply for a high-ranking government position.

  10. 10.

    https://zh-cn.facebook.com/parentsconcerngroup

  11. 11.

    Personal interview with a member of the group on May 16, 2014.

  12. 12.

    Personal interview with Bobo Yip on March 27, 2014 (Code: 30).

  13. 13.

    Personal interview with Yan-ho Lai on August 11, 2014 (Code: 47).

  14. 14.

    Personal interview with Bobo Yip on March 27, 2014 (Code: 30).

  15. 15.

    Personal interview with Szeto May on May 15, 2014 (Code: 32).

  16. 16.

    Personal interview with an NGO worker on May 12, 2014 (Code: 31).

  17. 17.

    Personal interview with Tommy Cheung Sau-yin on June 5, 2014 (Code: 34).

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Wong, S.HW. (2015). Power to the People: Changing Electoral Strategies of the Prodemocracy Opposition Elite. In: Electoral Politics in Post-1997 Hong Kong. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-287-387-3_4

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