Abstract
This chapter showcases two Australian examples of First Peoples’ strategic engagements with digital technologies, particularly social media: Bla(c)k Lives Matter (BLM) and the politics of recognition. It seeks to examine the socio-political efficacy of digital technologies as organising tools and consider the impacts of this on Indigenous public spheres and identities. The development of the internet (and other technologies reliant on digital connectivity) heralded change for so many aspects of the human experience, particularly socio-political organisation, becoming a catalytic engine for globalising processes. It has also proven complex, generating both new colonising forms alongside anticolonial and decolonial opportunities.
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Notes
- 1.
‘First Peoples’ is the terminology we use to describe Indigenous Peoples from across the globe. The capitalisation of ‘Peoples’ denotes these as Indigenous polities, as would the term ‘First Nations’. We have chosen ‘Peoples’ rather than ‘Nations’ because some people object to conceptualising Indigenous polities as nations, and this terminology can also be problematic for displaced peoples. We use ‘Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples’ to describe members of First Peoples of the continent of Australia.
- 2.
Examples of such strategies range from petitioning the British Monarch or Pontiff through to the International Labour Organization (ILO) in the 1920s.
- 3.
- 4.
Particularly, the Global Justice Movement and World Social Forum.
- 5.
Some of the most notable of these include IdleNoMore, NoDAPL, SOSBLAKAUSTRALIA and MMIW.
- 6.
It should be noted this is not a unidirectional process with media only responding to the concerns of consumers. The media plays an active role in shaping its consumers’ concerns (Herman & Chomsky, 1988).
- 7.
Habermas was particularly interested in the ways the progression from ‘old’ to ‘new’ social movements were generating new modalities within public spheres. ‘Old’ social movements were those responding to the tensions between labour and capital. ‘New’ social movements were conceived as those concerned with ‘non-materialist’ structures of domination: patriarchy, racism, etc. The authors acknowledge that these structures are also deeply wedded to material injustices (Edwards, 2004).
- 8.
Aboriginal Lives Matter as a banner for movements concerned with justice for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples killed in custody.
- 9.
Prime Ministers John Howard, Kevin Rudd, Julia Gillard, Tony Abbott, Malcolm Turnbull, and Scott Morrison.
- 10.
Constitutional recognition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples occurred in Victoria (2004), New South Wales (2010), South Australia (2013), Western Australia (2015), and Tasmania (2016).
- 11.
Funding occurred through the Act of Recognition, assented to 27 March 2013 (Parliament of Australia, 2013).
- 12.
Pre-election Economic and Fiscal Outlook (PEFO) is a budgetary reporting activity, undertaken by the Federal Treasurer and their department, released just prior to a federal election.
- 13.
Hon Ken Wyatt AM, MP was the Chairman of the Joint Select Committee on Constitutional Recognition Relating to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples and later the Minister for Indigenous Australians (2019-2022).
- 14.
Groups and pages on Facebook included Blackfulla Revolution, Anti-Recognise Campaign, Vote No to Constitutional Recognition, Sovereign Union, We Oppose Recognition, Say No To Constitutional Recognition among others.
- 15.
The Victorian Treaty process emerged from a meeting called by Aboriginal Victoria—the state Indigenous affairs department—to discuss proposals for constitutional recognition with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in Victoria in February 2016. Attendees voted near unanimously in rejecting constitutional recognition, demanding entreatment instead (Morgan, 2016b).
- 16.
Expert Panel on Constitutional Recognition of Indigenous Australians.
- 17.
The Referendum Council arrived at a formula for the composition of dialogue attendees: 60% Traditional Owners, 20% representatives of community organisations and 20% key individuals (Referendum Council, 2019).
- 18.
This was a rare opportunity following the dismantling of ATSIC and the defunding of NCAFP. The Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC) was an Australian government structure to represent Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples on issues impacting their lives (1990–2005). National Congress of Australia’s First Peoples (NCAFP) was another (corporate) structure established to act as a representative forum for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples (2010–2019).
- 19.
Kirribilli House is the official ‘second residence’ of Australian Prime Ministers, located in the Sydney Harbour-side suburb of Kirribilli.
- 20.
Attendees: Djapirri Mununggirrtj, Sean Gordon, Rachel Perkins, Denise Bowden, Selwyn Button, Jason Mifsud, Tanya Hosch, Ngiare Brown, Samuel Bush-Blanasi, Noel Pearson, Joe Morrison, Kenny Bedford, Megan Davis, Bruce Martin, Lester Irabinna Rigney, Ken Wyatt MP, David Ross, Charlee-Sue Frail, Richie Ah Mat, Gail Mabo, Djawa Yunupingu, Pat Anderson AO, Aden Ridgeway, Shannan Dodson, Shane Duffy, Kirstie Parker, Les Malezer, Josephine Cashman, Mick Gooda, Tom Calma, Geoff Scott, Marcia Langton, Jill Gallagher, Patrick Dodson, Nova Perris, Warren Mundine, Leah Armstrong, Pat Turner, Justin Mohamed.
- 21.
These instances of Indigenous refusal were often conducted in a “pragmatic” modality rather than the “comprehensive” refusal most often written about in the North American Critical Indigenous Studies literatures (Pollock, 2019).
- 22.
- 23.
For example, the range of settler-colonial policing strategies includes co-opting First Peoples into their ranks such as the notoriously brutal Native Mounted Police (Rowse and Waterton 2020).
- 24.
The four police officers were each acquitted of manslaughter by an all-White jury before returning to their duties (Olive, 2021).
- 25.
There were another 25 such killings that were deemed to be beyond the Commission’s mandate.
- 26.
In 2018, Deloitte Access Economics was commissioned to review the implementation of recommendations from the RCIADIC. They found that 78% of recommendations were fully or mostly implemented; 16% partially implemented; and 6% not implemented (National Indigenous Australians Agency, 2022). This report was labelled a “white wash” by many advocates, activists, and scholars, many of whom argue governments have failed to implement more than a third of the recommendations, with the other two-thirds being poorly or partially implemented (Carlson & Frazer, 2021).
- 27.
Geoffrey Robertson QC and Jennifer Robinson are representing David’s mother, Leetona Dungay, in her pursuit of complaint (Doughty Street Chambers, 2021).
- 28.
In this instance, the New South Wales Coroner’s Court.
- 29.
There were approximately three minutes inside the van which could not be accounted for in CCTV footage.
- 30.
Within this coalition are groups including Jumbunna Institute for Indigenous Education and Research, The #BandSpithoods Collective, Change the Record, and proponents of similar legislative reform at the national level including federal senator and Gunnai and Gunditjmara woman, Lidia Thorpe (Knowles, 2021).
- 31.
Of the 99 cases examined by the RCIADIC, 35% of individuals detained by police were alleged to be intoxicated in public (Victorian Aboriginal Legal Service, 2022).
- 32.
The Summary Offences Amendment (Decriminalisation of Public Drunkenness) Bill 2020 passed on 19 February 2021.
- 33.
Systemic racism was an additional investigatory component successfully argued for by the Victorian Equal Opportunity and Human Rights Commission on behalf of the Day family. This was the first coronial inquest in which systemic racism was considered (Victorian Equal Opportunity & Human Rights Commission, 2020). This is an important precedent that other families can now use to support the investigation of systemic racism in future coronial inquiries.
- 34.
These trial sites are located in the City of Yarra, City of Greater Dandenong, City of Shepparton, and Castlemaine.
- 35.
Among these accomplishments has also been a refresh of the Australian government’s Closing the Gap targets to include focus on criminal justice indicators, and movement to raise the age of criminal responsibility across settler-Australian jurisdictions.
- 36.
Organisations include Warriors of the Aboriginal Resistance, Dhadjowa Foundation, Indigenous Social Justice Association (Melbourne and Sydney), community legal centres and carceral abolitionist collectives among others.
- 37.
BLM has been leveraged by Indigenous activists in Australia to draw attention towards Indigenous deaths in custody (and other killings) for a number of years prior to 2020.
- 38.
This threat is not limited to digital spaces. Some Indigenous scholars have highlighted the way liberal institutions exacerbate and benefit from this by encouraging self-identification processes only (Andersen, 2016).
- 39.
While often mythologised and overstated by settlers (particularly Right-wing populist politicians fuelling anti-minority resentments), these resources include specific Indigenous-identified jobs, housing schemes, educational scholarships, business finance, and related opportunities.
- 40.
Settlers making claims to Indigeneity is not a new phenomenon, although it may be increasing along with other identities targeted in “race-shifting” practices (Leroux, 2019). There is a ‘long’ historical record of settlers claiming Indigenous identities and/or practices (Deloria, 1998; Sturm, 2011; Tuck & Yang, 2012).
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Pollock, D., Ingram, S., Fernando, S., Phipps, P. (2023). Digital ‘Natives’: Unsettling the Colony Through Digital Technology. In: Kath, E., Lee, J.C.H., Warren, A. (eds) The Digital Global Condition. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-9980-2_4
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