Migrant Networks and Credit: Dynamics of Punjabi Migration to the Gulf Countries

Abstract

This chapter attempts to understand the role of networks in facilitating migration to Gulf countries from Punjab and the role of credit/debt to cover cost of migration. Theoretically, the study is based on an ethnographic and narrative approach. The ethnographic approach includes the nature of migration, place of migration, network relations, years of migration, and occupation of the migrants. The narrative approach is used to understand and analyze channels of migration and return migration. The paper will highlight the role of social networks in discovering Gulf nations with employment opportunities and various types of debt used to cover migration’s costs.

Migration has a long history in India, and cross-border migration is not a new phenomenon. International remittances have played a significant role in India’s growth and development. Large-scale international migration has sparked a surge in migration-related research and is widely researched by scholars across the globe. In terms of international migration, India is the leading country of origin and has always been a labor-sending country to other parts of the world. Thus, India has a long history of exporting migration. However, migration records were found before Britain captured India, but the well-documented migration started under British rule. Due to the need for workers in colonial rubber, and sugarcane plantations generally, Indians migrated as indentured laborers to the various parts of the world.

1 The History of Punjabi Migration from Colonial Period to Present Time

The history of continuous migration from Punjab dates more than 125 years back; it primarily began under India’s colonial authority when Britain captured Punjab in 1849 (Nanda & Veron, 2015). After that, Punjabis began to migrate to other parts of the world as indentured laborers, mainly to British colonies as army personnel (Singh, 2008). The first exodus is thought to have occurred when Punjab’s last ruler, Maharaja Duleep Singh, was banished to England (Dusenbery & Tatla, 2009). The decade of 1870 is often regarded as the beginning of Punjabi Sikh settlement in the Far East when army personnel from Amritsar and Firozpur were recruited for police and paramilitary duties (Judge, 2011). By the 1880s, the Sikh settlements appeared in the Malaya States and Hong Kong, where Sikhs worked as policemen (Sandhu, 1969). In China, Sikh troops settled and occasionally raised their families. From the 1890s onward, Sikhs started moving toward East Africa (Barrier, 2007). Ramgarhia Sikhs became the dominant caste, and about 10,000 were employed as indentured labor, and Jats served in the local military establishment or commercial activities (Mangat, 1969). Sikh Punjabi community has resided in Hong Kong since 1880 and served in police troops (Sidhu, 1991). Between 1903 and 1908, about 6,000 Punjabis entered North America (Canada), and nearly 3,000 crossed into the USA. Early immigrants in America came predominantly from Jullundur and Hoshiarpur, the Doaba region districts in the State of Punjab in India. Most of the early Punjabi Sikhs were Jats (La Brack, 2015; Tinker, 1974).

The initial wave of immigrants can be divided into two broad categories. The first includes a majority of uneducated and semiliterate laborers from agricultural and military backgrounds. The second category consisted primarily of a relatively tiny educated elite group of professionals and students. The laborers mainly were peasant Sikhs and Muslims from the Doaba and Malwa areas of Punjab province in Northwest India (Dusenbery & Tatla, 2009). During the colonial period, backward castes migrated to England in the 1920s and were seen as the pioneers among Punjabis in England (Ballard & Ballard, 1977; Singh & Tatla, 2006). However, following World War II, due to the need for rebuilding and the labor shortage in western nations, Punjabis migrated from the villages of Hoshiarpur, Jalandhar, and Nawanshahr districts. Changes in migratory patterns have also been recorded in Moga and Ludhiana districts from Malwa and Tarn Taran districts from the Majha regions (Dusenbery & Tatla, 2009).

The post-1947 period is marked by a significant exodus of Sikhs from the Doaba region of Punjab. Their flow of movement was majorly to three Western countries (the UK, Canada, and the USA). Emigration from the Malwa area began to dominate in the late 1960s. Sikhs immigrated to different European nations, mainly from the 1960s to 1990s, during political upheaval. From Punjab, they traveled to Norway, Denmark, Finland, and Poland. Punjabis worked as laborers in restaurants and eventually started their businesses over time. In certain areas, Punjabis migrated for the second time from South African nations, primarily Uganda, to European countries, where marital alliances or better job prospects made them permanently reside in these European countries (Bhachu, 1985; Jacobsen & Myrvold, 2011). The presence of Punjabis in France is a relatively new phenomenon, with the first wave of migration in the late 1970s and early 1980s when a few Sikhs came as illegal immigrants first in Germany and Belgium, and then in France (Moliner, 2011). After the Cold War ended in 1989, untouched land and sea routes opened for Punjabi migrants, with many landing in Greece, Italy, and Spain (Zachariah & Rajan, 2007). In the contemporary period of globalization, the migration of skilled workers has been taking place to Australia and Canada, from almost the entire Punjab (Rajan & Percot, 2011).

2 Methodology

The phenomenon of migration to Gulf countries started after the oil boom in1973, and the sudden demand spike for labor in construction sites and factories. During this time, migration from Punjab to Gulf countries becomes noticeable to take advantage of economic prospects. With this given background, the study attempts to understand the role of networks in facilitating migration to Gulf countries from Punjab and the role of credit/debt to meet the cost of migration to this corridor. Theoretically, the study is based on an ethnography and narrative approach. The ethnographic approach includes the nature of migration, place of migration, network relations, years of migration, and occupation of the migrants. The narrative approach is used to understand and analyze channels of migration and return migration. To meet the objectives, a primary survey was conducted on 200 migrant households with male out-migrants in Gulf countries from 10 villages of Punjab with the help of semi-structured interview schedules. The present study was conducted in two talukas (tehsil): Sultanpur Lodhi and Kapurthala of Kapurthala district of Doaba region of Punjab, and five villages were chosen via snowball sampling from each taluka (tehsil) for the present study. It geographically extends from 31⁰06′36'':31039′07''North to 74⁰56′24'':75036′18'' East (Fig. 13.1).

Fig. 13.1

Location map of study area, Doaba, District Kapurthala, Punjab, India

In total, 221 migrant data was collected from 200 migrant households, of which 182 were married, and 39 were unmarried migrants. From this, 128 farming families and 93 non-farming families were also considered for the present study. In addition, data is gathered on joint families (127) and nuclear families (94) about the remittance recipient.

A comprehensive set of questionnaires was employed to gather relevant information about years of migration, nature of migration, place of migration, occupation of the migrants, and network used for migration. In addition, the case study of return migrants and testimonies of selected respondents were used throughout the paper. To maintain the anonymity of respondents, pseudonyms are used in the paper. Lastly, data was also collected on the recipient of remittances and utilization of remittances. Thus, the study used a mixed-method approach to define the results.

3 Nature of Migration Process and Social Networks

The migration to Gulf countries started later, after the Gulf oil boom in 1973. The massive demand for workers happened after the sudden growth of the construction industry. The Gulf countries became immensely wealthy overnight, embarked on a frenzy of building, new infrastructure of roads, ports, and airports, as well as schools, colleges, and administrative buildings as symbols of the new wealth. Hence, migrant labor was needed in construction projects and industries, trade, and services, including domestic services. As a response, many Indian laborers began to move, mainly to the GCC countries of Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE. As a result, there was a change in the trend of migration from Punjab to Gulf countries as unskilled laborers migrated, and it became an attractive destination for Punjabis (Zachariah, 1997).

Furthermore, data from the primary survey revealed that migration from Punjab to the Gulf occurred in two stages. Generational migration is included in the second phase, and the first phase began in the late 1970s.

Phase I: During the first phase of migration, people were generally from farming families and with a basic level of education. These migrants were unskilled and gained skills after migration. After reaching the Gulf, these unskilled migrants worked as drivers, guards, carpenters, and masons. Survey results showed migration from Punjab to Gulf nations is dominated by other backward castes (OBC) and visibility of scheduled caste was also recorded during field work that is shown in Table 13.1. The lack of job possibilities at the place of origin and large families with little land to produce remained the primary reasons for migration. Secondly, migration to gulf countries was less costly than migration to developed countries. Therefore, they grabbed the available opportunity in front of their eyes. Following successful journeys to the Gulf, these folks ensured a better lifestyle for their children, siblings, and neighbors after 30 years of migration.

Table 13.1 Characteristics of migrants

Table 13.1 shows data of the characteristics of migrants from 200 homes. This includes information about 221 migrants’ age, education, occupation before and after migration, migration years, and migration location. Seventy-six percent of the surveyed migrants belong to the young age, and only 29% of migrants belong to the old age. We found out that 46% of the surveyed households are return migrants. These migrants returned after 40 years of migration, and now, their sons were the migrants to the Gulf countries. After having successful years of migration, they helped their sons to migrate.

In the late 1990s, we discovered that the village of Rampur Jagir had the biggest migration to Gulf countries. During our tour, we met the village Sarpanch, who was a return migrant. He was the third person from the village of Rampur Jagir to migrate. In 1977, he moved to Dubai. Only two men had been moved before him in the early 1970s.

In most cases, migration was accomplished through agents. He paid Rs.5000 for his relocation and traveled with a group of 20 Punjabis. According to Sarpanch, migration was referred to as “Labor migration” during his time. The visa was referred to as a “Benami visa” (no name on visa) or a “group visa” because no single name appeared on the visa card.

In our study, we found that 89% of migration were through labor visa (Fig. 13.2). While in 7% of cases, open visas were a channel to reach Gulfs, and lastly, in only 4% of cases, tourist visas were a way to reach Gulf countries. After arriving in Dubai, the Sarpanch of Rampur Jagir worked as a laborer and learned carpentry, which was highly demanded. He became a carpenter because he had exemplary drawing skills and had matric pass. Later, he learned to drive a truck and started his small truck business in Dubai. He had 40 years’ migration experience and used this experience to send his two sons to the same place. Recently, his sons became in charge of his truck business in Dubai. The study also found that in 26% of cases, family members remained a channel for migration, as shown in Table 13.2.

Fig. 13.2

Nature of Gulf migration process from Punjab

Table 13.2 Channel of migration

When Sarpanch of Rampur Jagir returned, he retired from the job as a foreman. From our surveyed households (table 13.1), 34% of migrants’ occupation was a truck driver. Other than that, the second most-opted occupation was masons in 19% of migrant cases. Gulf companies had direct contact with agencies and conveyed their labor needs. The occupation of mason is the second most popular among migrants because of the construction of hotels, restaurants, malls, and buildings. For the stay in gulf countries, the Sarpanch of Rampur Jagir mentioned that companies had arranged a place to live. The corporation determined residential locations; the experience may be pleasant or awful, but workers were required to stay because they did not own property in the area. As a result individuals had to adapt because they needed money. The truck driver or truck business was the most lucrative career in Gulf.

Phase II: In the late twentieth century, the second wave of migrants primarily headed to Gulf countries. The majority of these migrants were literate and had one or two talents (driving, electrician, mason, etc.).

Punjabis with lower levels of education were, nonetheless, able to find work. Table 13.1 shows that farmers accounted for the majority of migration (38%) and that truck drivers accounted for 6% of migrants once they arrived in the Gulf. For migrants, the Gulf countries were the most enticing destination (special consideration was given to Dubai, Qatar, Abu Dhabi, and Saudi Arabia). The UAE hosted 48% of all migrants, with Dubai accounting for 29% and Abu Dhabi for 19%.

With the help of family, acquaintances, and relatives who had previously lived in Gulf countries, young migrants were able to relocate. The second generation of migrant households was largely affected by the second phase of migration. These were people in their late twenties who followed their father, siblings, relatives, and neighbors. It is akin to generational migration in Punjabi communities. The young gang decides to travel to the Gulf after their elders return.

The migration route was crucial to the migration process in this case. Agents (23%) and social networking (77%) were the two most common migration pathways identified by questioned households. In the case of Punjabis migrating to the Gulf, social networking is crucial.

Because they remain a significant source of information about destination nations and job opportunities, the return migrant remained an important source of information about skill requirements, job opportunities, and where to stay. The cost of migration is another factor for relying on social networking. Return migrants assist in the migration process and are more reliable than agents. The migration process through agents is still expensive, requiring payment of around US$ 2000 (Oommen, 2016); however, the social network can assist to mitigate these costs. A successful migration is the one in which the father assists his son in his migration.

In the case of Karan, his father built connections with his factory contractor after 40 years of migration, allowing him to launch a truck business. Similarly, in the Kashmir case, his elder brother supported him in his migration after ten years of Gulf travel. The existing link supported the new one in offering a nice stay after arriving at the location, assisting in the job search, and providing a friendly environment. Harminder from Kapurthala’s Nawanpind village mentioned:

When you have a connection, you are less concerned about where you will stay, what you will eat, and where you will begin your employment. It is easier to acclimatize to a foreign environment and also to grasp norms and regulations of the country, which are the fundamental needs at the moment if you have a dependable person at your location of migration. Even having a companion can provide personal knowledge about where the visa procedure is reliable and straightforward.

Punjabis have a close-knit society in which neighbors also have relative relations like chacha, Taya (similar to Uncle), Bhai, or Veera (similar to brother). So, the sense of brotherhood (Bhai-chara) always becomes another channel of migration. Even after migration, being from the same province and having the same Punjabi background also played an essential role in getting a job. One family member migrates, that person helps in the migration of the whole family.

4 Typology of Debts

In general, migration is a way for families who rely on migrants to gain a higher return on their investment. As a result, the cost of migration is thought to be a one-time expense that returns afterward. In most circumstances, migration is motivated by pure altruism and the well-being of one’s family.

As a result, debts from various sources were used to cover the costs of migration. A pind (village) in Punjabi society functions as a family unit, and everyone is there to aid each other through bura waqat (difficult times). Wada tabber were also employed by village residents (big family). The kinship structure played an important influence in migration as well. During the early stages of migration, Khoon da Rishta (blood relatives) aided the migrants. During the survey, we discovered that 41% of cases grant loans to relatives during migration (Table 13.3).

Table 13.3 Debts were taken for migration

Ranbir noted in the survey that her husband found that migrating to Gulf countries after their marriage was profitable since they have modest agricultural property. In addition, they had a wadda tabber (large family) or joint family as well. As a result, migration was primarily motivated by this factor. Nonetheless, the question of how much to cover the expenses of migration arose. Her husband’s fufad (Uncle) helped with migration’s expenses at the time (Fig. 13.3). In Punjabi taxonomy, fufad refers to the respondents’ spouse, father’s sisters’ husbands.

Fig. 13.3

Kinship relationship and migration

In Sandhya’s situation, her nandoyia (sister’s-in-law husband) was a huge help during her husband’s migration. He was undoubtedly the family’s jawai, but he was also respected as a brother. Nanad’s (sister-in-law’s) spouse is always referred to as Bhaya by the bahu in Punjabi families (bride of the house). As a result, Sandhya’s husband went to Abu Dhabi with the help of his brother-in-law (Fig. 13.4), a wealthy landowner.

Fig. 13.4

Sandhya’s relationship with Nandoyia and migration

When Sandhya’s husband settled in Abu Dhabi after three months, he began sending money back to the family. Sandhya then gave a large portion of her remittances to her nandoyia as debt repayment.

In addition to families, the survey indicated that money lenders are the second most common source of credit in 29% of cases. The reason for relying on money lenders is that it was a quick source of funds. Second, because they were farmer families, and they already had a relationship with them.

Jagat from the hamlet of Boolpur stated that he paid Rs 2 lakh for his son’s migration in 2001. He had some savings, but they were insufficient. So, to match the demand, roughly one lakh rupees were borrowed from a money lender.

While Sarpanch of Rampur Jagir went to Dubai for the first time, he took a loan from a moneylender for Rs 5000. Though he had farming land, during 1977 the return from agricultural land was not that profitable, which was also one of the triggering causes of migration.

Whereas in 10% of situations, the migrant’s in-laws were also assisting with credits for migration. The bride’s family constantly honors and respects jawai (son-in-law). As a result, they believe that aiding their son-in-law would benefit their daughter. Gurmeet Kaur of Nasirpur said that when her husband expressed an interest in migrating, they were modest farmers, living from hand to mouth. Her spouse claimed that he could obtain a visa to Kuwait but the agency would require payment for the migration. Gurmeet spoke with her family, and her brother paid them Rs 50,000 right away. Her husband was unable to find work for about three months after arriving in Kuwait, and her brother stepped in to assist them. For migration, banks loan also were taken in 11% cases, and sometimes savings in 8% cases were used.

5 Recipient and Control Over Remittances

In migrant families, it remains a debatable issue who will receive remittances and will control the amount and utilization of remittances. In a patriarchal joint family setup, remittances are generally controlled by males and other family members (Kaur, 2017).

While women in nuclear families get remittances from their husbands, they do not always control the utilization of these funds (Kaur, 2019a, 2019b). Because of nuclear families, the spouses received remittances in 47% of the surveyed households. In the remaining 36% of cases, the father is the principal recipient, particularly in combined/joint households. Gender-based, females got 59.7% more remittances than males (45%) (Table 13.4).

Table 13.4 Recipient of remittances in left-behind families

While the recipient of the remittances usually remains family members, especially male members in the households. However, we found that in 47% of cases, remittances were received by wives of migrants (Table 13.4). It showed that women had some role to play in economic matters. Further question was asked in relation to control over remittances, in which we found that male recipients had in 72% of the cases control over remittances (Table 13.5), while women had only in 31% of the cases control over remittances. Further, it showed that wives control over remittances decreased in 19% of cases. It showed that males as the financially supporting members of the families also control remittances. Study conducted to understand and analyze the impact of migration on women left behind also shows that male member of the family often has control and dominance over remittances and its utilization (Singh, 2018).

Table 13.5 Control over remittances

6 Utilization of Remittances

Gulf remittances have been critical in reducing poverty, ensuring economic stability, and improving families’ socioeconomic position and livelihoods in developing economies. Farmers moved out of the village for various reasons, including a lack of arable land, big families, and a desire to preserve for the future. Furthermore, migration is triggered in the scheduled castes by a lack of non-farm employment opportunities, reduced remuneration for labor, and, lastly, profitable remittances returning after migration.

Left-behind families receive remittances that vary depending on the migrants’ jobs in their destination countries. The most noticeable difference in received remittances was between Rs. 10,000 and Rs. 100,000/-. There is a remittances gap as a result of migrant workers’ employment. In most cases, the truck driver is responsible for more than simply the labor. Similarly, the marble cutter jobs had higher wages than an electrician.

The significant share of remittances is generally spent on family needs, followed by children’s education, health, debts, shaguns (money gifts), and finally, some savings. If migration continues to be successful, money is generally spent on constructing houses and purchasing land or gold after 3 to 5 years of successful journeys. Table 13.6 shows that the major share of remittances in 49% of the cases spend on shaguns (that include weddings, gifts on birth and death ceremonies), second significant utilization of remittances in 39% of the cases on land purchase. The third major utilization of the remittances was on the construction of houses; this could be traced in 45% of the cases. While in non-farming families, there was major spending of remittances on basic consumption and repayment of debts in all cases. The second major area of utilization was children’s education in 58% of the cases. The third major area where remittances were utilized is savings and health. Because non-farming households were reliant primarily on remittances, the study found disparities in how remittances were used in both agricultural and non-farming families. Remittances were, on the other hand, a supplement to the income of farming families.

Table 13.6 Utilization of remittances in left behind families

7 Conclusion

This study contributes to a better understanding of the significance of social networks in Punjabi migrant families enduring the expense of migration to Gulf countries. Only immediate family members do not promote migration from Punjab, according to the study; nevertheless, reasonably strong kinship links also had a substantial effect. Relatives and family members assist migrants through helping them in settling down in their host nation of migration rather than by giving them credits throughout the migration process. Migrants do not make migration decisions without consulting their families; therefore, trust in relatives is vital in assessing the risk of migration. As a result, kinship has a dual purpose in both the home and host countries. Kinship and family also aid in defining the kind of migration, the destination country, and job opportunities in the destination country.

Though it is commonly assumed that the expense of migration is a one-time investment with a guaranteed payoff, this is not the case for many families. The study discovered that while migration is a source of income for agricultural families, non-farming families become completely reliant on migrant income. In non-farming households, remittances are used first to repay debts, and their future is dependent on the wages of migrant workers.

Controlling remittances becomes difficult among migrant families that are left behind. Male members of patriarchal joint households control most remittances. Even if women or wives have authority over remittances in nuclear families, they are only used after consultation with migrants.