Abstract
2012 marks a pivotal year in Djibouti’s history: the year when China Merchants officialised its partnership with the regime by purchasing the latter’s stake in the Port Autonome International de Djibouti. It was from 2012 onwards that China Merchants and a host of other Chinese SOEs began making their presence felt in Djibouti. 2012 also goes down as the year when the regime’s relationship with Dubai Ports World (DPW) would pass the point of no return. The Emirati firm has claimed that these events—China Merchants’ Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)-induced infrastructure forays (culminating in the Doraleh Multipurpose Port ecosystem) and DPW’s ultimate removal by force from its stake in the Doraleh Container Terminal (DCT) ecosystem—are not separate acts but instead form part of a chain reaction. DPW’s legal team claimed as much in their deposition to the Hong Kong High Court, where they insinuated that China Merchants induced the regime into its forceful removal from the DCT ecosystem due to the coercive threat of the BRI “debt trap” hanging over the regime. This Chapter assesses this latest legal spat before examining the political economy and geopolitical ramifications of Djibouti’s decision to overwhelmingly anchor its modernisation drive around Chinese investments.
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Notes
- 1.
Towards which the 2006 Framework Agreement signed between the Ethiopian government and the China ExIm Bank largely contributed as it facilitated the advent of numerous Chinese infrastructure projects such as the national sports stadium, the country’s first six-lane highway, the underground and light rail system (Addis) and numerous skyscrapers (Cabestan, 2012: 54; Quinn and Akyol, 2021: 1098). 2006 was also the year when the PRC was elevated to the rank of Ethiopia’s main trade partner (Cabestan, 2012: 57).
- 2.
Chinese contracts in Ethiopia accumulated to more than USD $23.6 billion worth of investments between 2005 and 2018, with investments really taking off post-2010 when the impact of Chinese-funded industrial parks across the country began to be felt (Le Gouriellec, 2018: 535–536; Ziso, 2020: 916). It is therefore of little surprise to learn that from 1992–2016, FDI originating in China ranks first in Ethiopia in terms of number of projects and capital invested (Ziso, 2020: 910).
- 3.
Author’s translation.
- 4.
Reiterating an earlier plea made by former PRC President Hu Jintao in 2012 encouraging Chinese firms to participate in infrastructure construction so as to support Djibouti’s economic and social development in response to a call made by Guelleh for investments in Djibouti’s ports, railways, energy sectors and human capital (Xinhua News Agency, 2012a).
- 5.
All errors, inaccuracies and omissions in this table are mine.
- 6.
Opened in 2014 (Soudan, 2014).
- 7.
In 2008, reports surfaced of a possible USD $2 billion deal for an unnamed Chinese infrastructure group to build four casino hotels on Moucha Island targeting Chinese expats working in Ethiopia and the Gulf (Soudan, 2008).
- 8.
Designed to deepen civil, naval and military ties (Styan, 2020: 195).
- 9.
Having been part of one or more of Aptidon’s own state visits to China, of which there were three in 1979 alone (Styan, 2020: 194).
- 10.
Where Guelleh paid visits to the Chang’an Automobile Company Ltd. and the Zongshen Motorcycles Corporation (Xinhua News Agency, 2001a).
- 11.
During his trip to Shenzhen, Guelleh was addressed by then Mayor, Yu Youjun, about the city’s economic development (Xinhua News Agency, 2001b).
- 12.
Dileita visited the Waigaoqiao Harbour and Zhongxing Telecommunication Equipment R&D Centre during his trip (Xinhua News Agency, 2005).
- 13.
A deal reportedly thrashed out in CMP’s management centre in Shenzhen (Chan, 2018a).
- 14.
This figure is a readaptation of Fig. 2 from Barton (2021: 369).
- 15.
With follow-up discussions held the following year to examine the prospect of strengthening it further (allAfrica.com, 2013c).
- 16.
Where Guelleh made a stop following his participation in the 2012 Beijing FOCAC Summit (Ballong, 2012).
- 17.
In 30 months to be precise (Darras, 2017).
- 18.
Author’s translation.
- 19.
Such as livestock, grains, cooking oils, fertilisers, chemicals, vehicles and heavy machinery.
- 20.
Indeed, as far back as 2013, Shanghai Zhenhua Heavy Industries had delivered two dockside cranes and eight-yard cranes (allAfrica.com, 2013b).
- 21.
Or to be more specific, the Addis-Djibouti railway line actually comes to a stop 12 kms from the DMP. The rest of the journey requires transshipment at the Nagad railway station (Pairault, 2022a).
- 22.
This was a topic of interests not only for the twenty-first century but also during the twentieth century and Cold War era when former French President Charles de Gaulle reportedly offered assistance to Addis to build a rail link to increase the use of the line as a means of guaranteeing Ethiopia’s commitment to Djibouti’s development (Shilling, 1973: 628). The French had already agreed in 1959 to relocate the railroad’s headquarters to Addis (Shehim and Searing, 1980: 214).
- 23.
Although coming across as somewhat smooth sailing, the deal’s success was in part contingent on a compromise being reached in relation to where the cost of the railroad’s electrification would lie (with Djibouti or the Chinese SOE). This snag was resolved by the Chinese SOE taking an equity stake in Djibouti’s portion of the rail operating company (Styan, 2020: 196). Generally-speaking, the terms of the Addis-Djibouti railway were less favourable to the regime than it would have liked, if Zach Vertin is to be believed, while IMF officials recommended against it (2020: 11).
- 24.
Former PRC Ambassador to Ethiopia.
- 25.
This makes for rather ominous reading when considering that the Ethiopian Railway Corporation had reportedly amassed debts of USD 3.6 billion by late 2016 (Fowler, 2019: 180).
- 26.
It was these problems which had initially delayed the line’s operations until January 2018 (Fowler, 2019: 180).
- 27.
Such as manufacturing, transport and financial services while incorporating hotels, tourist centres, residential housing and conference facilities to host exhibitions of international repute.
- 28.
Similar to the DMP and the Addis-Djibouti railway line, most of the materials and workers used to build the DIFTZ would stem from China (EIU, 2017a).
- 29.
A scenario The Economist deemed “unlikely” (EIU, 2017a).
- 30.
Companies such as Wilmar (agribusiness, Singapore), Osram (luminous devices, Taiwan), Golden Africa (agribusiness, Kenya) and Cevital (agribusiness, Algeria) (Darras, 2017). This figure, however, comes across as extravagant when considering that by the end of 2019 (a year after it was officially opened), only 80 companies were in fact registered in the DIFTZ (Dow Jones Institutional News, 2020a).
- 31.
Including, reportedly, a USD $7 billion investment from CGCOC (Sun and Zoubir, 2021: 688).
- 32.
According to Pairault, IZP Technology was established in 2008 under the supervision of the National Information Centre (part of the National Development and Reform Commission) and with an initial focus on data mining before converting to big data in the scope of the Silk Roads (2018: 71). In 2014, it obtained a license to provide cross-border payment services via the USD $150 million acquisition of Globebill, an electronic payment platform based in Shenzhen. In December 2015, CMG went on to purchase a 15% stake in IPZ (Styan, 2020: 201).
- 33.
Involving China Merchants Investment Development (CMID), Cheer Signal, GHIH and the DPFZA (Company Data Report, 2019). Cheer Signal is a wholly owned subsidiary of CMSIZH and an indirect subsidiary of CMG whose principal activities span construction, development and operation of industrial zones and cruise industries. CMID’s assets were later transferred to CMSIZH which is mostly in charge of managing CMG’s assets and international investment portfolio (Dow Jones Institutional News, 2019). GHIH is a company incorporated in Djibouti and is a subsidiary of the DPFZA (Dow Jones Institutional News, 2020b).
- 34.
In effect, as per Pairault: “the DIFTZ is intended to be an outgrowth of the Qianhai Shekou Free Trade Zone, as illustrated by the “twin zone network” […] of the business-to-business transaction platform Djimart.com developed by CMP. The platform offers a one-stop solution for logistics, warehousing, and payment-settlement issues related to the import into Africa of products made in China” (2022b: 83).
- 35.
This table is inspired by Fig. 1 from Pairault (2018: 64).
- 36.
A development which was largely of symbolic value (Pairault, 2022a). An important distinction worth noting concerning the company’s origins is that the following year CMP would be registered in Hong Kong and not in mainland China (Ibid). It would actually only be incorporated to CMG in the early 1970s (Ibid).
- 37.
Defined by the slogan: “the port in front, the (industrial) park in the middle and the city behind” (cited in Pairault, 2019).
- 38.
It is important to keep in mind here that China Merchants’ strategy in Djibouti never emerged unilaterally but instead is the result of a historical process involving various multinational corporations (MNCs) not all of whom stem from mainland China (thus further degrading the value of the “arm of the state” thesis). China Merchants has in fact established very close business relationships with some of these MNCs. As mentioned in Chapter 1, this is the case in Djibouti with CMA CGM (Pairault, 2022a).
- 39.
The DSRIB was jointly initiated by Djibouti’s MOF, the Yizampu Group, the Silk Road Yishang Technology Co. Ltd., CMG and other Chinese-funded enterprises in 2016 (officially opened in January 2017) to establish closer banking cooperation between the PRC and Djibouti (Wang, 2017). It offers financial products and services to enterprises based in Djibouti, with a particular focus on assisting small and medium-sized enterprises. It was also expected that the DSRIB would offer financial services in support of trade between China and other parts of Africa (EIU, 2016). Finally, as part of its services, the bank offers conversion of Djibouti Francs into Renminbi to help boost imports and exports (Le Gouriellec, 2018: 538).
- 40.
Although bizarrely bin Sulayem ended up attending the signing ceremony of the Strategic Partnership Agreement between Djibouti and CMHI to develop and operate seaports in Djibouti and for the development of a new multipurpose terminal (Chan, 2018b: 6). Bin Sulayem also attended the signing ceremony for the DMP—both of which were followed by an email exchange between bin Sulayem and Dr Hu (Ibid).
- 41.
As Court records show, Hadi had regular contact with DPW over the DCT and DMP without DPW ever reciprocating with any form of written consent for Djibouti to proceed with the DMP and its surrounding ecosystem. In 2012, Hadi sent a letter to DPW expressing his concerns ex-post that the JVA and the Management Service Agreement (MSA) were: “unbalanced and unsustainable” (Chan, 2018b: 4). Five years later, Hadi bluntly informed DPW that the regime did not: “envisage any future business development with DP World” (Ibid: 10).
- 42.
Finally, DPW claimed in its pleadings that under Djibouti law, China Merchants would be liable for breach of Article 1391 of the Djibouti New Civil Code and, alternatively, for unfair competition (Chan, 2018a).
- 43.
No emphasis added.
- 44.
The LCIA twice ruled in DPW’s favour in terms of damages owed to it by the regime as a result of the latter’s decision to remove itself from its contractual obligations (see Table 4.3).
- 45.
Parroting the regime’s rhetoric by referring to the Boreh bribery case (Chan, 2018a).
- 46.
An observation repeated by the judges during the follow-up session in front of the Hong Kong Court of Appeal (HKCA) (Kwon & Barma, 2020).
- 47.
Only two inexperienced lawyers were able and prepared to represent DPW in front of Djibouti’s courts (Chan, 2018a).
- 48.
- 49.
Author’s translation.
- 50.
Again, the figures vary across sources. In 2015, CCECC was quoted as saying that 10,000 jobs had been created for Ethiopian nationals and only 3,000 for Djiboutians (Xinhua News Agency, 2015a). The following year, these combined figures only reached the 25,000 mark—less than half of the reported final figure quoted in-text (Caslin, 2016).
- 51.
In line with Dr Lin’s political economy philosophy, the premise underpinning the DIFTZ suggests that: “[…] an active port with an industrial free zone would attract foreign companies, which in turn would generate a demand for local labor” (Pairault, 2022b: 82).
- 52.
Vertin’s data suggests that only “three dozen” had registered in the Free Zone by 2020. In his report, he cites one foreign investor degrading the DIFTZ as a: “total pipe dream” (2020: 11).
- 53.
Something Pairault confirms when outlining the DIFTZ’s modus operandi: it is expected that most of CPM’s clients in the Free Zone will not be from Djibouti but instead from mainland China (2018: 75).
- 54.
In its recent international development cooperation white paper, the PRC’s State Council listed the promotion of vocational training and technical cooperation as one objective towards helping countries in the Global South: “[…] improve the skills of their project management personnel and localize project management” (2021: 9). According to Vertin’s report, China has “come up short” on skills and technology transfer in Djibouti (2020: 17).
- 55.
As part of the agreement, CCECC vowed to recruit graduates from the Industrial and Commercial High School which it built back in 1992 (Xinhua News Agency, 2017c).
- 56.
Author’s translation.
- 57.
Hadi even boldly forecasted in 2018 that the total volume of debt owed by the regime to Chinese policy banks would drop to 35% of the country’s total GDP by 2023 since Djibouti was seen to enjoy better repayment capacity in the context of project financing coming out of China (cited in Li, 2018).
- 58.
From ten to 30 years (Styan, 2020: 205).
- 59.
Where Wauldhauser spoke of “significant” consequences to American interests were the DCT to fall into Chinese hands.
- 60.
Supposedly undertaken as a quid pro quo in return for China having built two international airports, the Addis-Djibouti railway line and the Presidential Palace all “free of charge.”
- 61.
In line with data collected by Jean-Pierre Cabestan, French military officials based in Djibouti also reportedly share the fear of eviction by the PLAN (2020: 745).
- 62.
Author’s translation.
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Barton, B. (2023). The Maritime Silk Road Effect in Djibouti. In: The Doraleh Disputes. Global Political Transitions. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-7439-7_5
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