Keywords

1 Introduction

In Brunei Darussalam, culture and religion are intimately connected. Adat and Islam act as defining mechanisms for Brunei Malay identity and function as a stable source of reference and a framework to regulate society against the constant shift of modernisation. According to the Ministry of Culture, Youth and Sports (2017b), adat forms an important core component of Brunei Malay history, culture and way of life. Adat is regarded as the manifestation of what is referred to locally as ‘calak Brunei’, the Brunei mould or way, and has a long history. The importance of adat in Malay society can be further illustrated through a well-known proverb, ‘Biar mati anak, jangan mati adat’, which means that it is acceptable to let a child die so long as long-standing customs and traditions still live on and are upheld by society. This proverb illustrates how deeply rooted and prized adat is in Malay norms and values.

According to Badaruddin Othman (2018), Brunei is a ‘negara zikir, negara beradat’, which captures the idea of a nation centred on both Islamic devotional acts and the remembrance of God as well as its customs and traditions. Clearly, adat is a central element of its national self-image and culture, helping to define its identity, boundaries and morality. However, as a consequence of Islamisation in Brunei, many elements of the traditional lifestyle have been revised and modified to be compatible and aligned with the nation’s values and philosophy of being a Malay Islamic monarchy (Melayu Islam Beraja), the guiding national principle. Islamisation was further intensified by the implementation of syariah law in 2014, which followed on from the proclamation made by the Sultan of Brunei at the time of independence in 1984: ‘We are determined to continue to modernise our country while also still keeping faith with the principles and values of Islam’ (Ministry of Culture, Youth and Sports 2017a). With the implementation of syariah law there has been more pressure to reconsider the practice of adat. In particular, adat has been modified in some significant ways and this has led to a decline of the cultural traditions of the past and ushered in social transformation.

This chapter addresses the tensions and conflict between adat and Islam by focusing on traditional Brunei Malay marriage ceremonies. It also takes into account the influence of animism and Hinduism in the performance of cultural traditions. In short, the discussion analyses processes of change, adaptation and negotiation in adat in the context of deepening Islamisation.

2 Data Collection

This research presented here mainly uses a qualitative approach and draws from both primary and secondary data. This approach was deployed to gain a closer insight into the perceptions and issues raised concerning the practices of adat in traditional Malay marriage ceremonies. The primary data and information were collected through a series of interviews with respondents from two generations, representing older and younger groups. Three respondents from the older generation and two respondents from the younger generation participated in the study. Interviews were carried out from December 2017 to February 2018 in three different districts: Brunei-Muara, Tutong and Belait. The locations were strategically selected to identify the differences and variations of marital practices and customs between the different districts. Accessibility to respondents was obtained through snowballing, in which study subjects recruit other subjects from among their acquaintances. In addition, I interviewed two female ritual specialists or wedding attendants (pengangun) from Brunei-Muara and Tutong who provided valuable insights regarding the significance of the marital customs practised in the past and present. Participant observation was also conducted in December 2017 and January 2018, mainly in Brunei-Muara and Tutong which were the two main locations for many wedding ceremonies. Access to fieldwork sites was obtained through wedding invitations. The fieldwork was conducted through social interaction and informal interviews with the people attending the ceremonies.

3 Understanding Adat and Its Practices

In a pioneering study, Taufik Abdullah (1966) discusses the potential conflict between adat and Islam in the context of Minangkabau society in West Sumatra, Indonesia. He argues that the conflict is not a struggle between two distinct social forces, but as a tension within a single social system. Abdullah’s work is relevant to Brunei as it deals directly with similar conflicts, and pinpoints the somewhat ambiguous position of adat in society. Prior to exploring the conflict between adat and Islam, it is necessary to examine the meaning and importance of adat in Brunei Malay society.

Based on the research findings, the respondents interviewed had different understandings and interpretations of what they regarded as adat. Generally, it could be concluded that defining adat does not only refer to the guidelines and regulations of ideal patterns of behaviour, but it also functions as a basic foundation of society which shapes all ethical, legal and social judgments. According to Muhammadrorfee-E Musor (2013: 267), adat is referred to as the ‘norm in Malay society, being the living law at a certain time in a certain place’. It is therefore considered flexible and ‘adaptable to social needs’ and context and should not be regarded as fixed and permanent (ibid.: 367). This claim is also endorsed by Nurhalimatusyahirah (2015), who argues that adat in Malay society does not necessarily only refer to social and cultural habits, usage and traditions but also to rules, decrees and guidelines that control and organise society. Therefore, ‘the primary purpose of adat is threefold [as it functions for] the protection, regulation and preservation of the society’ (Muhammadrorfee-E 2013: 267).

Given the apparent differences in defining the meanings of adat and its practices as integral to society, I conceptualise adat as a form of ‘words in motion’. This term is used by Carol Gluck (2009) to suggest that the meanings and definitions placed upon certain usages of words tend to shift contextually across different times, spaces and societies depending on how they are being circulated in that period. As Gluck suggests, ‘Words are always in motion, and as they move across space and time, they inscribe arcs of our past and present’ (ibid.: 3). In this sense, the term adat originally derives from the Arabic word , which refers to the ordinary habits, customs and practices that are often not addressed in Islamic laws. In Southeast Asia, the term is used to refer to the variation of local traditions and customs that is usually found in Malay and analogous societies. Muhammad Takari (2014: 1) proposes that adat is frequently ‘“synonymous” with the culture as [a] whole’. It is something that could or should not be separated from the Malay way of life as it is considered a stable framework comprising guidelines and reference points for cultural identity, history and everyday behaviour, as in the case of Brunei.

Performing adat in society is reinforced through the practice of passing it down from one generation to another. Local customary practices are regulated by the act of conformity to the normative rules, obligations and consequences in order to ensure their continuity and persistence within the society. According to Zainal Kling (1987), the generational concept involved in a cultural practice will eventually become the society’s tradition, history and way of living.

According to Mohd Jamil al-Sufri (2003), one of the main contributing factors to a decline in awareness of the importance and structure of adat in Brunei is because it is usually not written but is instead passed down directly or indirectly to the community. This view is supported by Muhammadrorfee-E’s (2013) study of Sarawak, where adat is an oral tradition communicated within the community. As a result, the traditions and practices vary over time so that what is practised is subject to interpretation. Due to its fluidity and variation, misinterpretation and confusion often arise. Mohd Jamil al-Sufri (2003) argues that it is inevitable for new interpretations and assumptions to develop as adat is passed down. Shifting meanings and interpretations of practices have an impact in cultivating a sense of appreciation, awareness and importance of performing adat.

Norazit Selat et al. (1997: 36) place adat as a form of practice that exercises, unites and cultivates kinship relations, while kinship itself is one of the most important bases for social relations. It is through the similarity of culture and practice that individuals are able to create and cultivate a sense of unity and community which will ensure harmony in society. Therefore, in a collectivist society such as Brunei, the Malays accept the importance of performing adat in order to maintain and unite family relations. The family is highly regarded and valued as the focal point of the overall social structure. Within the kinship community, the older generation and elite groups take an active interest in maintaining local cultural practices from one generation to the next. One of the respondents, Nor (aged 55), stated:

In the past, those who dared to break or abandon the rules of adat and its practices would be subjected to punishment. The punishment was often in a form of a heavy payment such as a dagger [keris], a large jar for storing water or paddy [tajau], a thin gong [canang] and a gong. At that point of time, these items were very difficult to own and therefore were often high in value. Thus the Malay proverb, ‘Biar mati anak, jangan mati adat’, illustrates the value of adat as equally important and valuable as having children.

In general, according to Hashim Hamid (2003: 67), any Malay family that tries to reduce or abandon any of the customary practices, especially in marriage ceremonies, will have to face the negative judgment and hostile perceptions of the wider community. Many claim that societal pressures and expectations are often what drive people to practise adat customs. In particular, social pressure is often felt by those who have or those who wish to acquire high social status. This view was supported by the account of Suria (aged 60), in which she shared that those with a high social status and background often insist on holding and performing all the adat in an orderly way to maintain their standing. Being highly regarded by the community, it is expected that their status should also reflect their knowledge, respect and value for Malay practices, manners and identity. Thus, according to Suria, there are no excuses for them to neglect performing adat as they are financially able to do so.

In this sense, this observation can be linked to Gluck’s (2009) argument that certain uses of words—such as adat—have social and political implications that function as a way to organise, mobilise, inspire or exclude. The use of adat is thus a form of recognition and used to identify different social groupings. Zainal Kling (1987) argues that Malay identity is contentious. However, through identification with cultural practices and their historical context, one can establish group identity and a sense of belonging. Being one of the most significant of local customary practices, the traditional Brunei Malay marriage ceremony both reflects and distinguishes the identity of the Brunei Malays from other Malay societies. There is thus a strong emphasis on the importance of performing and maintaining adat as it is regarded as a core criterion for performing ‘calak Brunei’, the Brunei mould or way (Hashim 2004: 92). In addition, based on the research findings, the practice of adat distinguishes between being a person with culture (orang yang beradat) as opposed to a person without a culture (orang yang tidak beradat) in Malay society. Being perceived as someone without a culture connotes a negative stigma compared to being labelled as having a culture, which reflects the good morality, knowledge, character and wisdom of a person. Hence, adat basically serves to carry significance, symbolic meanings, representations and functions in society. Taking into account its practicality, positive values and acceptance in society, it continues to be practised and is accepted as normative.

In sum, it is relevant to conceptualise adat as a ‘word in motion’ in order to understand the importance and meanings of the practice which shift contextually and culturally. To some extent, the meanings and structure of its practices may also become localised. Based on my observations during the research, many Bruneians do not have knowledge and understanding of local customary practices. As a consequence, adat has gradually lost its essence and meaning. However, some groups still insist on retaining these customs and practices out of respect and concern for the wishes of their family and ancestors. Therefore, it could be suggested that the social significance of adat in daily life is dependent on the degree of cultural reinforcement and understanding of adat in the community.

4 The Assimilation of Ideas and Culture

It has been suggested that prior to the arrival of Islam in Brunei in the fourteenth century there were three major ideologies that have shaped and influenced Brunei Malay culture and society: animism, Hinduism and Buddhism. The Malay Archipelago during that period was a centre of significant trading routes and, as a result, there was a great deal of migration and many intercultural marriages. Nor noted:

At that period of time, there were no religious beliefs or institutions. Hence, when other religions came to Brunei, it was relatively easy for the people to passively accept what was being circulated as the degree of exposure and knowledge from other religions at that period of time was also low.

Cultural assimilation and diffusion occurred and influenced many Malay customs and traditions. Victor T. King (1994) argues that between the fifteenth and seventeenth centuries, Brunei was a historically and politically significant power incorporating and influencing various populations. Hence, various cultural practices and customs from other sources were introduced, incorporated and further modified into the practices of Brunei Malay society. In light of this history of assimilation and adaptation, Yussof (aged 72) suggested:

Logically, no one would actually have any idea on how to perform adat or a particular marriage ceremony properly. Thus, through observation and exposure to other cultures, adat was created, modified and claimed as belonging to the society. Moreover, it is part of human nature to observe and imitate what they see. Through this lens, individuals are able to learn and understand the consequences of their actions. And to some extent, maybe this is part of the reason why there are similarities and resemblances with other cultures. It is inevitable.

The arrival of Islam in Brunei clearly had a great impact, influencing and challenging the pre-existing beliefs, customs and attitudes of the local population. Islam introduced new values, ideals and perspectives, including concepts of rationality and intellectualism, as well as a community-based system in which individuals had equal status as opposed to a caste-based system of Hindu society. According to Mohd Taib Osman (1984), Islam transformed the lives of the Malays in the archipelago. Most importantly, the transformation was seen to be necessary as Islam should not only be practised on the basis of beliefs and faith but also through all aspects of life including customs and traditions. This view was articulated by the Sultan of Brunei on the occasion of the Prophet Muhammad’s birthday in 1984: ‘Islam should be practised as a complete guide to the way of living in reference to the prescriptions and proscriptions that have been set by Islamic teachings and values’ (Information Department 2018).

Other external influences and interactions have also constantly challenged the cultural heritage and practices of the past, and these interactions have shaped how individuals rationalise their practices. They expose people to the idea that local customary practices and traditions are part of ‘backward’ cultural practices that are not aligned with the present context and are seen as being old-fashioned.

5 Adat in Traditional Brunei Malay Marriage Ceremonies

In this section, I illustrate the long-term processes of assimilation by discussing traditional Brunei Malay marriage ceremonies, locally referred to as adat istiadat perkahwinan Brunei, one of the most significant customary practices of the Brunei Malays. Yussof remarked:

Marriage is a once-in-a-lifetime experience that should be celebrated with joy and traditions with all members of the family. Marriage marks the end of the responsibility held by the parents which is further passed down onto the husband.

The traditional marriage rites consist of 10 ceremonies:

  • Berjarum-jarum: the start of the wedding process when parents from both sides meet each other.

  • Menghantar tanda pertunangan: the groom’s side goes to the bride’s side and offers rings to signal his real interest, the beginning of a formal engagement.

  • Menghantar berian: delivering of gifts from the groom’s side; the bride may reciprocate in kind.

  • Berbedak siang/mandi: blessing of the soon-to-be bride and groom, and cleansing of the whole body.

  • Akad nikah: solemnisation ceremony.

  • Malam berbedak: the night of applying coloured powders in which family members anoint the bride and groom with a special ointment.

  • Berinai/berpacar: ceremony of the application of henna.

  • Bersanding: wedding reception where the couple are recognised by the wider public.

  • Berambil-ambilan: post-wedding reception where both families get to know each other better.

  • Mulih tiga atau tujuh hari: the couple move to the bride’s home and stay there for three days or seven days, and then to the groom’s home and stay for another three days.

These ceremonies illustrate the three important elements that shape Brunei Malay customs and traditions: the ideology or expressions; the cultural materials; and the proper ethics and manners adopted in performing each of the ceremonies. Before the process of entering married life, there are certain rites of passage embodied in local adat that should be conducted in order to fully prepare the couple for their wedding day and future life. The Malays believe that for the duration of their marriage ceremonies, both the bride and groom are in a state of ‘sweet blood’ (darah manis) in which they are vulnerable to various sources of harm. Adat was therefore created to protect these individuals from harm—either by humans (purposely or otherwise) or by spiritual beings. For this reason, it is strongly asserted that the ceremonies should be practised in the proper order.

Here, I focus on five ceremonies: berbedak siang/mandi; malam berbedak; berinai/berpacar; bersanding; and mulih tiga atau tujuh hari. The details illustrated here are be based on Norazah Muhammad and Masnah Amit’s Adat perkahwinan etnik-etnik di negara Brunei Darussalam (Ethnic marriage customs in Brunei Darussalam, 2014) and an unpublished study by Ahmad Daudy and Syamsul Bahri Tanrere (1993) which provide descriptive overviews of traditional marriage ceremonies. The information on details, functionality and symbolic meanings of customs and materials involved in these ceremonies were mainly gathered from my field observations and interviews with the older generation respondents and pengangun.

5.1 Berbedak Siang/Mandi

Berbedak siang/mandi is considered to be the opening ceremony of the official wedding week. The ceremony is usually held separately for the bride and groom. It is this ceremony that indicates that the bride and groom have successfully entered into the precautionary (berjaga-jaga) phase that often signals the start of their prohibition (pantang larang) week. At the start of the week, both the bride and groom are not allowed to go outside of their home. Suria noted that it is the pengangun who has full control of the couple. In addition, during this week, the bride and groom will be required to dress in white until the end of the ceremony. Curious to understand the symbolic meaning of dressing in white, I asked my informants the motives and reasons behind this practice. According to Yussof:

It is a must for the bride and groom to wear white during this week. It functions as a way to mark which [ones] are the bride or groom of the house. White is also symbolic, it represents purity and cleanliness. Marriage is regarded as similar to stepping into a new rite of passage. Another way to explain is that dressing in white is symbolically similar to how women veil themselves in a white prayer cloth [telekung] to pray.

Suria added:

White represents purity and cleanliness. Many brides and grooms are encouraged to keep track of their food intake during this week. It is preferable that they eat enough eggs and milk. Actually, it’s not only the way they dress, but food intakes, interactions and movements of the bride and groom will all be regulated and controlled.

From the berbedak siang/mandi ceremony onwards, the bride and groom are regarded as the king and queen of the day (raja permaisuri sehari) during which time they are pampered by the pengangun and their family members, and strict disciplines and regulations are imposed on them.

During the berbedak siang/mandi ceremony, the bride or groom are called out to the centre of the room and asked to sit on a special woven patterned fabric known as jongsarat, used most often for royal occasions and weddings. The bride or groom are surrounded by four candles that are lit prior to the start of the ceremony. The act of applying aromatic powder (memaliti bedak) is first given to the elders of the family (orang tua keluarga) as it is considered an act of paying respects to them and receiving blessings from them. This is followed by other family members who attend the ceremony. Later, the pengangun finishes the ceremony by taking the bride and groom back to their room to complete the act of cleansing, scrubbing and bathing the whole body. This act is regarded as a symbolical way to replenish the individual’s blessings, happiness and fertility upon entering a new phase of life with their spouse. According to Suria, the residue of the scrub (lulut) from the bodies of the bride and groom is collected and mixed, and then kept by the representative of the family until the end of the wedding ceremony. In some practices, it is believed that the residue of the bride or groom could be used in many harmful ways against the couple and so should be dispersed or buried. In a different practice, the residue is collected and mixed together at the end of the ceremony as it is believed this will strengthen the relationship of the couple for a lifetime.

Later, the bride or groom proceed with the bathing ritual performed by the pengangun who are accompanied by five or seven children dressed in colourful shawls (selendang) on their shoulders, each holding a lit candle. The candles are then collected by the pengangun to be blown out by the bride or groom after the bathing rituals. The bathing rituals include water that is mixed with wood of the whiteflower albizia (langir), Key lime (limau nipis), and different kinds of flowers such as jasmine (bunga melur) and gambier (bunga gambir), which have been properly mixed and recited over by the pengangun prior to the bathing ceremony. While bathing the bride or groom, the pengangun also recites spells (bacaan jampi) as part of completing the ritual act to cleanse the outer and inner parts of the body.

5.2 Malam Berbedak

A similar ceremony to the berbedak siang/mandi called the malam berbedak is also held at night. On this occasion the bride and groom are dressed in traditional Brunei Malay clothing and adorned with ornaments made from gold, such as headdresses (tajok and ayam-ayam), which are tied with a black cloth or to the hair to prevent them from falling, decoration for the nape of the neck (karong tembusa), a comb (sisir) that is slipped into the hair, an elaborate, butterfly-shaped necklace (kancing) and many others. In addition, most brides are dressed in red and often their faces are covered with a cloth until they reach the wedding stage (pelaminan). The bride and groom are asked to sit on the stage as the powdering ceremony takes place.

According to Yussof, seven coloured powders and a potpourri of flowers (bunga rampai) are prepared for the malam berbedak ceremony. These seven colours symbolise the seven layers of the sky, earth and rainbows. The powdering ceremony is usually initiated by the elders, followed by the other invited guests. Suria said that proper ethics and manners are observed during the powdering act. This refers to the importance of using the ring finger to dip into the seven powders and applying them to the forehead of the bride and groom as a way of increase their glow (menaikkan seri muka pengantin).

Later, the potpourri of flowers is scattered all over the bride or groom signifying a form of blessing and the end of the powdering act. The bride or groom are then brought back to their room. Specifically for the bride, the pengangun proceeds to perform the phase called adat masuk pengangunan in which the bride is seated in the middle of the elders. A candle is lit by the pengangun and passed to those surrounding the bride. The bride is later asked to put her arms around the pengangun and she is led around the bridal bed three times. To signify the end of the initiation, the bride then blows out the lit candle. This masuk pengangunan phase is strictly observed to signify a period of control and regulation for both the bride and groom. This is mainly because they have completed all the initiation rituals and customs and are regarded as being in a state of purity. According to Suria:

In the past, the bride or groom would be restricted from leaving their rooms. This is because the pengangun feared the risks of harmful things that may happen to them. Many individuals were devoted to black magic practices back then. There was even a competition between them to display their skills and knowledge to the public. The wider society often feared these people which thus offered them some kind of status, privileges and respect from the community. Marriage is often one of the most common occasions in which these practices are tested out. In addition, as the initiation and customs are completed, leaving the home or room is also believed to be able to cause the bride or groom miserable consequences [libas in the Bruneian dialect] as they are often regarded as ‘attractive’ and ‘sweet’ to be followed and harmed by spiritual beings.

5.3 Berinai/Berpacar

The berinai or berpacar ceremony is usually held in a small gathering attended by close family and friends. In this ceremony, the bride and groom are pampered by their family members when each of them take turns to put henna (inai) on their hands and feet. Applying henna is considered to be a significant part of the wedding practices as it is regarded by many as an indication to others that they are married. According to my informant Emah (aged 62):

Other than to cleanse and purify the bride and groom, applying a mixture of henna is also regarded as a form of protection. This is because the bride and groom are considered to be in a state of ‘sweet blood’ [darah manis] and therefore often an attraction to be followed or harmed by spirits.

According to Nor, the application of henna is similar to that found in Indian cultural practices. Today, many brides add decorations to their hands making it even more similar to the Indian wedding style. These decorations, according to Nor, might cause religious issues as the practice is closely associated with Hindu society and culture. However, Osman (aged 45) disagreed, believing that wearing henna is similar to the practice of Arab society and he regarded this as part of the beautification and decoration permissible to Muslim women.

5.4 Bersanding

The wedding reception itself (bersanding) is usually a grand affair attended by both families, relatives and friends. It is considered to be the second main event after the solemnisation ceremony (akad nikah) as this is the time when the bride and groom are united and presented together in front of all their families. Both are dressed in full traditional Brunei clothing and walk together to the wedding stage (pelaminan). Then a spiritual man guides the groom and performs the three circles of a dragon (pusing naga) ritual before he goes onto the stage towards his wife. According to Yussof, this ritual has its significance in the practices of the past since, as already noted, the bride and groom are believed to be in a state of sweet blood. By performing this ritual, the harmful things that have been following them will eventually disappear as they are distracted. In another respect, Osman said that this practice is performed to give extra time for the bride to prepare herself before meeting the groom. On the other hand, Nor compared the similarity between this ritual and the Hindu practice in which both the bride and groom walk around circling a fire.

5.5 Mulih Tiga atau Tujuh Hari

The Malay term ‘mulih’ refers to going or returning back home. In this context, the mulih tiga atau tujuh hari ceremony refers to the day that the groom is expected to bring home his wife after their third or seventh day of staying at his wife’s house. According to Suria:

In the past, the purpose of this ceremony was often used to mark the third or seventh day of the newlyweds’ marriage. It is the day that the family members await as the main highlight of this ceremony is to announce the state of purity of the wife publicly to the other family members through the use of a white cloth (kain lapik pinang) that is delivered along during the previous exchange of gifts (menghantar berian).

5.6 Summarising Wedding Customs

There are a number of interim conclusions that can be drawn from this description of some of the most important traditional Malay ceremonies. First, the ideas and ideologies adopted in the marriage customs and ceremonies very much relate to the natural environment and spiritual beings. This can be witnessed in the need to follow the prohibition (pantang larang) week, the recital of spells (bacaan jampi), the use of henna (inai), the practice of scrubbing the body (lulut) and many other examples. The main purpose of these customs and rituals is to safeguard those individuals, notably the bride and groom, from any sources of harm through the natural and spiritual callings. In earlier times, a large proportion of the Brunei Malay community lived near to forests and rivers (Ramlee 2009). In such circumstances, they learned to adapt, survive and reason with their spiritual interactions with nature. This helps explain why the ideology, expressions and rituals involved in the adat of traditional marriage ceremonies seem to relate to nature and spiritual beliefs in significant ways.

It is true that the ideas adopted in these customs do, to a certain extent, resemble the pre-existing beliefs of animism and Hinduism. Animism is based on a belief in the efficacy of supernatural and magical powers in nature such those contained in plants, animals, the weather and other phenomenon. According to Mohammad Rahman (2001: 23), in such a small-scale community, these beliefs were functional as they provided a sense of direction and purpose for the community to live their lives. Therefore, with the existing knowledge and beliefs acquired by the community in the past, such practices and traditions were created to safeguard the individuals involved in marriage ceremonies with the assistance of the pengangun. As Mufidah Abdul Hakim (2014) stresses, pengangun hold an important role in performing as well as maintaining rituals and customs involved in marriage ceremonies. They acquire knowledge and skills that guard and protect the bride and groom from any source of harm. Their acquired knowledge and beliefs, drawn from the ancestors, have formed the basis of customs and rituals performed in marital ceremonies today. Nonetheless, some question whether such traditions, derived from a pre-Islamic past, are still relevant in a contemporary society that is now thoroughly Islamicised. In this regard, Osman commented:

The knowledge, purpose and rationality of past practices may not be relevant at present as the contents and structures were often formed on the basis and reasoning of the state of society and its conditions. Therefore, it might be difficult to justify and rationalise everything with reason as the past practices rely heavily on the knowledge, purpose and values held by our ancestors and they may no longer apply or fit into our present context.

6 Adat and Islam in Brunei Darussalam

Given the ambiguities expressed in relation to some of the rituals, there are a number of adat in the marriage ceremonies that are regarded as irrelevant and incompatible with current Islamic practices (Ahmad and Syamsul 1993). This section examines the potential and actual conflicts and tensions between traditional customs and Islam in contemporary Brunei.

There is a remarkable quotation cited in an article written by a representative of the Office of the Secretariat of the Malay Islamic Monarchy Supreme Council that proposes that local customs should cause no conflict with the practices and beliefs of Islam: ‘Adat bersendikan syarak, syarak bersendikan Kitabullah’ (Adat is based on and united by Islamic teachings and laws, Islamic teachings and laws are based on and united by the Qur’an) (Muhammad Melayong 2016). At present, this is the principle held by many individuals concerning adat and its practices, and receives endorsement by the official state agency authorised to regulate Islamic affairs. According to Ahmad Dusuki Abdul Rani (n.d.), specifically in a Malaysian context, the understanding and usage of this adat have caused confusion and have helped create diverse views and interpretations. He makes the case that Islam does not entirely prohibit what is considered as adat.

Nonetheless, from a religious perspective, some of the customs and rituals performed during the marriage ceremonies are regarded as sensitive and even incompatible with Islam. As we have seen, rituals and customs performed by the pengangun are considered to be the most important in the entire marriage ceremony as they serve not only to protect the bride and groom from harm but are also a manifestation of the knowledge and ritual power of the pengangun (Mufidah 2014). As Syed Husin Ali (2008) points out, this could partly explain the reason for conflict as some individuals may put their faith in the supernatural world and depend heavily on the power of the pengangun for assistance and protection.

In addition, the recitation of spells during the initiation process in most marriage customs is also regarded as deviating from and being incompatible with the beliefs and teachings of Islam. This is because the recitation involves a form of worship in acquiring protection from spiritual beings. Furthermore, there is also constant physical contact between the pengangun and the bride and groom. In Islam, it is strictly prohibited for Muslims to have intimate contact with non-family members, particularly between those of the opposite sex. Rituals such as bathing involve such contact.

Amran Kasimin (1989) notes that Malay marriage customs have similarities to practices found in India. These similarities were fully acknowledged by my informants, especially those associated with the exchange of gifts (menghantar berian) and the wedding reception (bersanding). For instance, Indian Muslims also apply henna as part of their marriage beautification customs. On the same day as this ritual, the foreheads of the bride and groom are also dabbed with turmeric powder which signifies fertility and protection from any harm. As part of the rituals, the elders also assist in cleansing the body of the couple using turmeric and scented powders; this is usually done in front of all the family members. This practice is similar to that of berbedak siang/mandi as, for Indians, it also marks the beginning of the prohibition week.

From an Islamic perspective, the application of henna for men is regarded as no longer acceptable, as beautification is only permitted for women. Suria also noted that the use of henna in the past was believed to be a form of identification of marriage in the hereafter, which contradicts the values and teachings of Islam. Other practices such as publicly announcing the state of virginity of the bride are also abandoned as they may put the couple and their families at risk of shame and humiliation. Such personal and private matters are now kept confidential.

According to Syed Husin Ali (2008), the Malays do acknowledge the incompatibility and consequences of their actions and beliefs. However, they justify such cultural practices as a means of assistance and protection. Further, any potential conflict between adat and Islam may only arise if the belief in the supernatural world supersedes the belief in Allah. In any case, Ahmad Dusuki (n.d.) contends that one of the basic assumptions about adat and Islam is that they are closely connected and basically synonymous with one another. As a consequence, many Malays believe that performing these cultural practices is compulsory (wajib) and must be fulfilled as part of their duty as Muslims. To reinforce the point, Syed Husin (2008) argues that these practices are deeply embedded in Malay life and organisation, part of the normative worldview. Many of my respondents pointed out that their main concern is not with the possible conflict between adat and Islam, but with the decline in adat practices which may weaken the bonds of kinship relations and social institutions.

Some scholars suggest that modifying or redefining of adat may not necessarily be negative since it could help to preserve the cultural heritage of Brunei. Adat is no longer regarded as fixed and permanent but is actually the product of a process of negotiation between religious and cultural practices as well as between traditional and modern practices. In the course of time, modern practices of wedding rituals have been transformed in response to economic and social conditions. This issue was raised by the State Mufti Department which warned that the extended celebration of marital customs and ceremonies was too lavish, and should be avoided from an Islamic perspective, since they could lead to waste (membazir) and may also encourage haughtiness (riak) among the individuals involved (Syed Husin 2008: 59; Hasrulaizan 2013). On this issue, Amirah (aged 30) said:

One of the main reasons why many young couples today decide to delay their marriage intentions and plans is due to the high financial expenses involved in a Brunei Malay marriage. The costs involved in the preparation, completion as well as the list of dowry exchanges could also be impractical. In addition, most of the financial burden and responsibility is largely placed on the groom. Besides this, the groom has to also worry about paying special requests such as adat tabus bangsa [dowry from the groom to the bride if the bride’s family is of a higher rank/title than the groom] or adat langkah dulang [payment from the groom to the bride’s unmarried older siblings]!

For her part, Sarah (aged 23) said: ‘This form of ceremony is seen as burdensome as some families may not be financially qualified or stable to present such expected gifts’.

7 Negotiating Adat and Islam in Traditional Marriage Ceremonies

In this section, I highlight the changes that have occurred in traditional marriage ceremonies which reflect the processes of negotiation and adaptation that have taken place between adat and Islam in Brunei.

7.1 Berbedak Siang/Mandi

Noted as being the opening ceremony of the official wedding week, many families today include a recitation of the Qur’an (khatam al-Qur’an) as part of the berbedak siang/mandi. This ceremony indicates the completion of the recitation of the Qur’an by the bride or groom, with members of the family also participating. Amirah commented:

At first, I was quite against the wishes of my parents as there are already so many ceremonies to go through. However, when my mother explained that this ceremony holds an Islamic significance, I complied with their wishes as the main purpose of this event is to ask for Allah’s blessings and mercy upon the completion of my ceremonies.

In addition, since the berbedak siang/mandi is often held on Friday, it seems appropriate to include the recitation of the Qur’an, since Friday is significant in Islam as being the best day of the week (penghulu segala hari).

Referring back to the main practices of this ceremony which involve the act of powdering and cleansing of the body, the respondents were in favour. Most of them understood and accepted the positive function that this ceremony holds, which is to pamper and prepare the bride and groom before their big day. The act of cleansing the bodies is regarded as acceptable as long as the pengangun avoids skin contact. However, according to Suria: ‘Some families now also take the initiative to take over the role of the pengangun and perform it. The pengangun will only assist and guide from afar’. Suria further explained that the items used during the initiation, such as the mixture of waters and aromatic materials, were the only ones readily available in the past and were believed to be beneficial in cleansing, scrubbing and giving a pleasant scent to the bodies of the bride and groom. Therefore, due to the benefit that they hold, the materials are still widely used today.

In addition, Emah noted that after the recent implementation of syariah law, many pengangun are also advised that it is best to avoid the reading of spells as their recital is incompatible with the beliefs and teachings of Islam. Pengangun are recommended to replace spells with verses from the Qur’an. Furthermore, according to Amirah, the order of initiation often depends on the decisions made by the pengangun. She said:

Based on my experience, the pengangun I had did not request any children to accompany me during my bathing or cleansing rituals. The reason was because, according to my pengangun, it is not important to perform such practices today as it is believed that such practices were done due to the lack of electricity in the past and therefore children were needed to accompany such custom.

However, Suria presented a different view. She said the participation of children was regarded as crucial as it could indirectly function as a way of passing down the knowledge and experiences of local Malay customs as a way reviving the cultural memories. Sarah stated that a few of the berbedak siang/mandi that she attended were held at night instead of the afternoon. One practical reason is that most individuals have to work in the afternoon and thus it is more convenient to hold the ceremony at night.

7.2 Malam Berbedak

Adaptive practices are also found in the malam berbedak ceremony. Based on my fieldwork, many families today consider chanting phrases or prayers in order to remember God (zikir) and salutations to the Prophet Muhammad (selawat Nabi) to accompany the whole initiation ceremony. Invited guests no longer have to apply powder to the foreheads of the bride and groom but do so on the palms of their hands as this is seen to be more practical and appropriate. In addition, Yussof noted that many families today prepare brushes made out of screw pine (pandan) or lemongrass (serai) leaves which are used to dip into the powders and apply them on the bride’s or groom’s palms, thus avoiding skin contact.

7.3 Berinai/Berpacar

According to Amirah and Suria, the berinai/berpacar ceremony is still being actively practised. Amirah said that, although this ceremony is similar to some Hindu and Buddhist practices, the application of henna to women is still widely accepted as part of the marriage ceremony as it is believed to cause no conflict with Islam. Sarah commented:

I think it is partially because there was no such thing as a nail polish back in the olden days. I think this might be the closest that we can adorn and beautify ourselves on our special day.

Suria said:

Although it is not mentioned anywhere in the Qur’an, it is stated in the hadith that Islam encourages women to wear henna as a form of gender identification that distinguishes men and women. However, it is important to note that men are not allowed such practices, as beautification is peculiar to women and Islam prohibits its followers to imitate the opposite gender. Therefore, many men today do not wish to participate in such practices anymore.

In other words, the berinai/berpacar ceremony is only practised by women at present. Men no longer associate themselves with the application of henna.

7.4 Bersanding

Based on the number of wedding invitations received, the bersanding ceremony still holds its importance as the closing of the wedding week. It is the only day when all family members, relatives and friends have the opportunity to see the couple officially as husband and wife, so everyone invited tries to attend. Brides are advised to cover themselves with a hijab and not wear revealing clothes that might upset religious sensitivities.

Many bersanding today are held in rented halls, with ceremonies modified to fit the surroundings. According to Nor, some families still perform the three circles of a dragon (pusing naga) ritual, particularly when the ceremony is held at home. However, the practice has changed in that the groom is no longer required to recite spells when performing the act. The groom is advised to replace these with the readings of verses from the Qur’an and praises to Allah. Based on my observation, when the ceremony is held at a rented hall, many families no longer perform the three circles of a dragon ritual. In addition, many respondents also emphasised the importance of having a pure motive in performing these customs and rituals. For as long as the intention is clear, for the sake of Allah and none other, it is acceptable to perform such customary practices.

7.5 Mulih Tiga atau Tujuh Hari

The mulih tiga atau tujuh hari ceremony has lost importance. It is seen as inappropriate and irrational to announce such personal and private matters to the public. For example, Nor stated that this could cause harm and shame for the family. Moreover, many of the newlywed couples go for a honeymoon right after their bersanding and so such a ceremony is no longer relevant. Nor, however, disagreed on the timing of the honeymoon:

By right, it is not appropriate to leave your family right after the end of your wedding ceremony. It is important to be considerate of your family’s feelings, and most importantly, those of your parents. My advice is to return back to the parents’ house first and then go for your honeymoon. This is the reason why adat is important. It helps to hold, nurture and educate the character of an individual.

8 Conclusion

The research presented here addresses the issue of the resilience or decline of adat in traditional Malay marriage ceremonies. Traditional customs and traditions in Brunei have been shaped historically by a number of external influences, including those of animism and Hinduism, so that there were three stages of change and adaptation. First, the early influence of animism left an impact on Brunei Malay culture and society. Second, the arrival of Hinduism in the first millennium ce helped to cement the basis of existing belief and structure. And third, the arrival of Islam in the fourteenth century initiated changes in and negotiation between adat and Islam, so that they have been able to coexist to some extent.

Two well-known Malay proverbs—‘Biar mati anak, jangan mati adat’ and ‘Adat bersendikan syarak, syarak bersendikan Kitabullah’—offer a rationale for the need to maintain both culture and religion. It is clear that Islam has become the most important contributor to the transformation of culture in Brunei and, as a result, adat has in some senses gradually lost its significance. This is because Islam encourages right conduct and correct practices that should reflect and be aligned with the prescriptions and proscriptions of the religion. However, not all cultural practices associated with adat are prohibited in Islam. Indeed, adat still retains its own social significance. In other words, Bruneian Muslims at present live by the idea that local customs should cause no conflict with the practices and beliefs of Islam, a notion that reminds them to keep their actions and practices aligned with their Islamic religious faith. In relation to traditional marriage ceremonies, they are governed and practised today by dynamic processes of negotiation and adaptation between the traditions associated with adat and the practices authorised by Islam.