Abstract
As asserted in Chapter 2, it is unclear whether and to what extent Western notions of acceptability apply in the Chinese context. There are no formal laws or official documents indicating how lay citizens could participate in policymaking processes in the Chinese context.
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Notes
- 1.
There is no consensus on how to define democracy and the practice is altogether different, especially in new democracies. Even the three commonly acknowledged foundations of democracy—legal equality, political freedom, and rule of law (see Weingast, 1997; Diamond & Morlino, 2005), are sometimes absent (see Cheesman, 2015; Fukuyama, 2015). But nevertheless, they are forms of government where the citizens exercise power by voting. Or, as Popper defined, they offer opportunities for the people to oust their leaders without a revolution (Popper, 2012, see also. Jarvie et al., 2006). In this sense, such government has never existed in Mainland China throughout the history. This, however, does not imply a “romanticism” of democracy (see Epstein, 2017; Gilley, 2009). Democracy, or the practice of democracy, has been criticised by many political thinkers, and have been facing crisis since the very early stage (see Dahl, 1973; Hoppe, 2018; Manin, 1997; Michels, 1962; Nietzsche, 2002). I have personally noticed more criticism of democracy after the rise of Trump, Brexit, and other “black swan events” (e.g., Dahlgren, 2018; McCoy et al., 2018; Muis & Immerzeel, 2017; Parmar, 2017). This is probably the biggest challenge for this study is to stop comparing the China’s system with Western systems which I am quite unfamiliar with.
- 2.
People and human beings are the same word in Chinese (人).
- 3.
This was first proposed in the “On The People’s Democratic Dictatorship” (simplified Chinese: 论人民民主专政) speech given in commemoration of the 28th anniversary of the founding of the Chinese Communist Party, 30 June 1949. See related discussions about People’s Democratic Dictatorship in Selected works of Mao Tse-tung (in Chinese), People’s Publishing House, Vol. 1, 1991, pp. 142, 240; Vol. 2, 1991, pp. 637, 690–691; Vol. 3, 1991, 1005; Vol. 4, 1991, pp. 1215, 1412–1413; Vol. 5, 1977, pp. 366–367.
- 4.
Xi used “where a man has to cut off his own snake-bitten wrist to save his life” (simplified Chinese: 壮士断腕) to describe his determination of the Anti-corruption Campaign when addressing the third plenary session of the CPC Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI) in January, 2014 and “no border and no taboo, but zero tolerance” at a key meeting during the fifth plenary session of the 18th CPC CCDI in January, 2015.
- 5.
Liu Shaoqi was the First Vice Chairman of the Communist Party of China from 1956 to 1966 and Chairman of the People’s Republic of China from 1959 to 1968. He held very high positions in Communist China’s leadership for some twenty years and was commonly considered as the successor to Mao. He is believed to be the apostle of the so-called Mao Zedong Thought (毛泽东思想, also called Maosim) and the instigator of Mao’s cult of personality (see Gao, 2000). However, although he was the one who first systematically argued the Mao Zedong Thought, put the Mao Zedong Thought into the Constitution of the Chinese Communist Party, and clearly stated that the Mao Zedong Thought must be the guideline of everything in the CCP (毛泽东思想作为全党一切工作的指导方针), he was labelled by Mao the “commander of China’s bourgeoisie headquarters”(资产阶级司令部的黑司令), “Khrushchev sleeping by our side” (睡在身边的赫鲁晓夫), “China’s foremost capitalist-roader” (头号走资派), and a traitor to the revolution in 1968 and then, purged, imprisoned, and tortured to death during the Cultural Revolution (see Dittmer, 1974).
- 6.
The trust here is different from other “trust” in the thesis. It is more about the relationship between lay citizens. About civic trust and civic honesty see Cohn et al. (2019).
- 7.
Since 2007, Chinese netizens have started using the term “tea talk” or “forced to drink tea” (simplified Chinese: 被喝茶) to describe interrogations by the internal security police. A person can be called for a cup of tea due to different reasons, such as sharing sensitive information from unofficial channels. Different forms of police harassment related to tea talks include home surveillance, house arrest, and kidnapping (e.g., Advox, 2013; BBC, 2013).
- 8.
Obscurantism is the practice of deliberately presenting information in a recondite manner, designed to forestall further understanding (see Nietzsche, 1996; Schopenhauer, 1998). Since it restricts knowledge to a small group of people—the ruling class, it is commonly considered anti-democratic (see Elster, 2011; Good, 2003; Wright et al., 1992 see also Ho, 1945).
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Liu, Q. (2022). Acceptability in the Chinese Context: Exploratory Interviews. In: Public Acceptability of Congestion Charging in China. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-0236-9_4
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