Keywords

8.1 Introduction

Languages are not only just a medium of communication but also repositories of traditional knowledge (Wehi et al. 2009). The relationship between people and the environment leads to the development of a set of rules and concepts expressed as vocabularies (Evans and Levinson 2009). These vocabularies are the building blocks of language as well as folk classification systems. A comprehensive framework to understand the folk biological classification and the associated nomenclatural systems has been provided by Berlin et al. (1966, 1973). Connoisseurs of folk taxonomy often see folk taxonomies as products of perceived morphological differences between various taxa. Such premises overlook the multiple mechanisms such as morphology, ecology, experience, and utility used by communities to classify their biota (Newmaster et al. 2007). Folk nomenclature that forms the backbone of folk classification system utilises multiple traditional knowledge (TK), and linguistic mechanisms to generate names for flora and fauna (Evans 1997; Kakudidi 2004; Turpin 2013). In the process, the salient TK related to flora and fauna get encoded in the resulting names. It is possible to understand the characteristics of the taxa such as morphology, ecology, utility etc. by analysing folk names (Franco and Narasimhan 2009; Kakudidi 2004).

The names accorded to plants and animals by various cultures could have profound meanings beyond the identification of a particular taxon. For the Māori of New Zealand, the naming and classification of folk species are based on the philosophy of whakapapa (genealogy), where all organisms possess both spiritual and material qualities (Roberts et al. 2004). For the Kodi people of Indonesia, folk names could denote transtaxa that flow fluidly between various categories. For instance, Biri Koni denotes a human who later transformed into a spirit. Biri Koni also represents all domesticated crops known to the community such as Job’s tears, maize, leafy greens, sorghum, rice, and cassava (Fowler 2016). Folk names could also encode TK on multiple taxa or entities sharing a cultural connection. In the Dalabon language of Australia, the word yawok refers to two taxa—cheeky yam (Dioscorea bulbifera), and green grasshopper (Caedicia spp.). For the Dalabon speakers, the mating call of the grasshopper signals that the yam is ready for harvest (Cutfield 2016). In this example of metonymy, a single folk name encodes TK on two different taxa, and culturally perceived relationship between them. Decoding the TK contained in folk names and the appended narratives through rewarding require elaborate knowledge of the respective culture and language (Whaanga et al. 2013). In this chapter, we provide an understanding of the TK encoded by the folk names used by the Vaie community of Bintulu, Sarawak to name the fish taxa known to them, following Hidayati et al. (2022).

8.2 Materials and Methods

8.2.1 Study Area

Sarawak is a Malaysian state on the island of Borneo, known for its rich biocultural diversity. The study was conducted with the Vaie people of Bintulu town in Sarawak, Malaysia. Bintulu town is the capital of Bintulu district, lying around 200 km south of Miri. It is located at the junction where River Kemena meets the South China Sea. Bintulu was essentially a fishing town until 1969 when oil and gas were discovered offshore (Bintulu Development Authority 2020). By 1993, Bintulu town and the neighbouring suburb of Kidurong had emerged as a major hub for local administration offices, retail and commercial activities, port, and gas and fertiliser industries (Morrison 1993).

8.2.2 The Vaie Community

Sarawak state is home to more than 30 ethnic groups who closely interact with each other. Determining the exact number of ethnic communities in Sarawak, however, is cumbersome due to the diversity of names and classifications (King 1982; Langub 1987). In addition, the prevalence of exonyms and ‘externally imposed’ ethnic classification further complicates the process (Jehom 1999). Kroeger (1998) placed ethnic communities of Sarawak in eight broad families that include the Melanau (also see: Morris 1989). Blust (1974) and Omar (1983) classified Melanau into Bintulu, Balingian, Mukah, Dalat, Matu, and Serikei. Employing an emic perspective, Zaini (1989) categorised Melanau into Kuala Rajang, Seduan (Sibu, Kanowit, and Tanjong), Matu-Daro, Mukah Dalat, Belingian, and Bintulu. Drawing from Blust (1974) and Zaini (1989), Abdul Ghani (1992, 2006) takes the view that Bintulu is a language distinct from Melanau.

From the emic perspective, the Bintulu language is referred to as Vaie, a term that is retained in this study (Hidayati et al. 2018). Currently, Vaie is spoken only in Kampung Masjid, Kampung Sinong, Kampung Sibiew, Kampung Datuk, Kampung Baru, Kampung Jepak, Kampung Sebuan, and Kampung Batu Sepuluh of Bintulu town. Due to the industrialisation of Bintulu town, the Vaie who previously practised traditional fishing have experienced lifestyle changes, occupational shift, and language shift. A study undertaken by the authors previously shows that these factors have begun eroding the traditional knowledge and language of the community (Hidayati et al. 2018).

The Vaie people are known for their traditional panaw method of fishing. Panaw is essentially a freediving technique performed in groups of 8–9. It is a complex activity that commences with the preparation of a lure made from nipah (Nypa fruticans Wurmb) leaves, ropes, a load, and a float (Fig. 8.1). Fishes that are attracted to the shade created by the submerged lure are then netted by the free divers (Richards 1967). Fish such as Atule mate, Carangoides praeustus, Carangoides armatus, and Carangoides coeruleopinnatus are trapped using this technique (Hidayati 2017).

Fig. 8.1
figure 1

Rendering of the contemporary panaw lure. Photo Syafitri Hidayati

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8.2.3 Methodology

We collaborated with 16 Vaie elders (8 male and 8 female) recommended by the Vaie community during December 2014–February 2015. The lead author interviewed the knowledge keepers using open-ended interviews and knowledge keeper observation. In addition to the 16 elders, two key collaborators of mixed ethnic descent, Encik Bolhassan bin Ismail and Encik Mat bin Suai played an important role as interpreters of the data, which, in turn, helped us to outline the Vaie ethnotaxonomy of fish.

The general principles of folk taxonomy proposed by Berlin et al. (1973) were used as the framework to understand Vaie folk classification of fishes. Vaie fish names were then interpreted to reveal the traditional knowledge encoded in them. The names were accordingly classified into barefaced, or cryptic following Hidayati et al. (2022). Barefaced folk names are self-explanatory names where the encoded TK on ecology, morphology, phenology, quality, utility, etc. is readily comprehensible. Cryptic names, on the other hand, are names whose encoded TK is not apparent, or those encoding TK on more than one taxa/entities. Cryptic names are usually metaphors, metonyms or portmanteaus. We use the work of Kakudidi (2004) to analyse barefaced names, and those of Evans (1997), Turpin (2013) and Zariquiey (2014) to analyse cryptic names.

In the following sections, we present the results and begin by discussing the ‘unique beginner’ category. Following that, we discuss the TK encoded in Vaie fish names.

Table 8.1 Traditional knowledge encoded in Vaie fish names
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8.3 Results and Discussion

We documented 141 fish taxa (Table 8.1), of which nine were unnamed. According to our knowledge keepers, these species never had a Vaie name. Such unnamed taxa are commonly encountered in folk taxonomies, of which they form an integral component (Berlin et al. 1968). Of the 132 named folk fish taxa recorded, two were infra-specific taxa. We could not interpret the TK contained in 97 epithets. This could be considered as an indicator of loss of TK and language proficiency on the part of our knowledge keepers (Franco et al. 2015). Alternatively, it is also possible that these names are just blank names in the context of TK encoded by them, i.e., they are just nouns denoting the taxa without any other interpretable meanings. Names such as njen telɑpiɑ mitem (Oreochromis mossambicus), and njen pay (Neotrygon kuhlii) are instances where we could conclusively determine that the folk generic epithet is a noun with no other meaning than to denote the particular fish (Table 8.1). On the other hand, there are also names such as qeret tɑ’del (Sphyrna lewini) where the generic epithet is a noun possessing other meanings beyond denoting the particular fish (tɑ’del = flat head). However, of the 46 specific folk taxa recorded, our knowledge keepers could successfully decode the TK encoded by 44 specific epithets. The specific epithets in njen jɑmɑh selidɑy (Atule sp.) and njen jɑmɑh sew (Caranx sexfasciatus) are the only two instances where we could clearly identify the inability on the part of our knowledge keepers to decode the TK contained in the names. The analysis of specific epithets supports our previously published findings that the TK and language proficiency of the Vaie people could be considered safe (Hidayati et al. 2018). However, we suggest further linguistic studies be carried out on the generic names to determine if their meanings have been lost, or they are just nouns denoting the respective taxa. We request the readers to consider our study in the context of this limitation.

8.3.1 Outline of Vaie Fish Taxonomy

Our understanding of Vaie fish taxonomy provided below does not provide a complete picture as we had limited our study to edible fishes alone. However, we provide an outline to the best of our understanding so that readers could situate the rest of our findings in the context of Vaie fish ethnotaxonomy. Generally, the taxa recognised by communities are included under broad categories called ‘unique beginner’ (Brown 2009). Unique beginners are often the equivalents of the English terms ‘plants’ and ‘animals’. The Vaie people include their folk taxa under two broad unique beginners—te’dai (plants) and semezap (animals). The word te’dai refers to plants (noun) as well as grow (verb). Members of the younger generation confuse between both applications of the word te’dai and have begun using the term te’dai mene’dai as the plural form of plants, which is a direct translation of the Malay term tumbuh-tumbuhan (a group of plants). Since reduplication of names is rarely encountered in Vaie, it is possible that te’dai mene’dai imitates reduplication in standard Malay, which uses the mechanism to convey plurality (Nadarajan 2006).

Documenting the term semezap (animal) required significant efforts. Both elders and youngsters named taxa included under the animal kingdom as haiwan, another Malay term. Also, most of the knowledge keepers could recall the names of individual animal taxa, but not the term for unique beginners. Towards the end of the fieldwork, the lead author secured an interview with Encik Kapeh bin Hosen, an 81-year-old elder from Bintulu, of Bruneian-Vaie parentage. He was adept with Vaie folklores and history. His knowledge about Vaie is uncontested although he is of mixed parentage. We could record the Vaie term semezap referring to this unique category from Encik Kapeh bin Hosen alone. The role of elders such as Encik Kapeh bin Hosen as custodians of TK and language has been widely recognised (Battiste 2000). It can be said that these elders are the living lexicons for indigenous languages, and the example of semezap only underlines the importance of investing in transmitting the TK and language from elders to members of the younger generation.

As seen in Table 8.1, the documented fish grouped under qeret and njen qeret include all shark species, while njen encompasses all other fish documented in this study. The genera of qeret are likely to be a conceptually unaffiliated category. According to Berlin (1992: 24), such unaffiliated folk generics are either morphologically unique or economically important. Our data indicate that njen is a lifeform category. When mentioned alone, njen refers to fish in general. However, the names of folk generics included under this category are always recollected along with the lifeform epithet njen.

8.3.2 TK Encoded by Vaie Fish Names

Of the 61 folk fish names we decoded, 21 were cryptic (metaphors—11; metonyms—10). This included two names that encode TK using both metaphors and metonymy. We could not come across any portmanteaus. The TK encoded by Vaie fish names relate to the following:

  1. 1.

    Ecology (names that reflect the habitat, distribution and abundance)

  2. 2.

    Morphology (texture, structure, forms, colours, and shape)

  3. 3.

    Quality (inherent features that are difficult to explain, such as taste, sound, etc.), and

  4. 4.

    Utility (use value of the taxa for humans).

We found 10 names encoding TK metonymically. They can be categorised as procedural, ecological or spatial, behavioural, sound and diet metonymy. Metonyms names differ from homonyms in that there is a cultural connection between these names. As pointed out by Evans (1997), when knowledge regarding cultural connection is lost, the names could be mistaken for homonyms. Consider the example of njen bulan sungai (Tenualosa macrura), a riverine species belonging to the bulan folk genus. Bulan refers to the moon and sungai refers to river. It is possible that the name is a calendrical metonymy, where the community once saw a connection between the moon, the river and the fish over temporal scales. The moon is an important element in the lunar calendars of fishing communities (Cordell 1974). Lunar phases have a decisive influence on the reproductive cycles of fish (Ohta and Ebisawa 2015). The Vaie people once used a traditional lunar calendar for fishing, and we believe that the community had lost the knowledge on the metonymical connection along with their lunar calendar.

8.3.2.1 Ecology

The Vaie classify their aquatic ecosystem into sungai (river), uut (upstream of river), paya (estuarine), rat (sea) and laot dalam (ocean). They also recognise kɑrang (coral) and batu (reef) as habitats within rat. Naming folk taxa on the basis of ecology showcases the traditional ecological knowledge encoded in the names (Silvano et al. 2000). In example I (a), the folk name encodes TK on the specific habitat of the coral cat shark. The prevalence of such names can be considered as an indicator of the TK held by the community on the species. The International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) Red List places Atelomycterus marmoratus under the ‘Near Threatened’ category and lists its population status as ‘unknown’ (White 2003). Our knowledge of such species could be augmented considerably by incorporating the TK held by local communities (Begossi et al. 2008).

We found eight fish names encoding TK based on the habitat where they are found:

  1. I.
    1. (a)

      qeret kɑrɑng ‘shark found among corals’ (Atelomycterus marmoratus); cryptic name; (ecological/spatial metonymy)

    2. (b)

      njen ɑqed ‘fish found attached to substratum’ (Saurida tumbil); barefaced name

    3. (c)

      njen nyaqed ‘fish found attached to something’ (Oxyeleotris sp.); barefaced name

    4. (d)

      njen nyaqed rat ‘marine nyaqed found attached to something’ (Platycephalus indicus); cryptic name [metonymy (ecological/spatial)]

    5. (e)

      njen bulan sungai ‘fish with the colour of the moon, found in rivers’ (Tenualosa macrura); cryptic name [metaphor (colour) and metonymy (ecological/spatial)]. In this example, the generic epithet encodes TK on morphology metaphorically, while the specific epithet metonymically encodes the TK that it is a freshwater fish (habitat).

    6. (f)

      njen selusong rat ‘marine njen selusong’ (Lates calcarifer); cryptic name [metonymy (ecological/spatial)]

    7. (g)

      njen sezɑw rɑt ‘marine fowl’ (Abalistes stellaris); cryptic name [metaphor (shape) and metonymy (spatial/ecological)]. The generic epithet metaphorically encodes the TK that the mouth of the fish resembles a fowl (morphology), while the specific epithet metonymically encodes the TK that it is a marine fish (habitat).

8.3.2.2 Morphology

Folk taxonomies use salient features of the taxa such as colour, shape, size etc. to distinguish one taxon from another (Hunn 1982). In the process, the TK gets encoded in the name. Brazilian fishing communities are known to make use of these characteristics to distinguish species of Mugilidae, Serranidae, Pomatomidae, Scombridae, and Scianidae (Begossi et al. 2008). Similarly, Vaie people use morphological features to generate names for their fish. Sixteen barefaced folk names contain information on the colour of the respective taxa (Table 8.2): mila for red; mitem for black; qunieng for yellow, and mɑpu’ for white.

Table 8.2 Barefaced folk names encoding TK on colours of the respective taxa
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In addition to the barefaced names listed in Table 8.2, there are three cryptic names metaphorically encoding TK related to colour.

  1. II.
    1. (a)

      njen bulan ‘fish as white as the moon’ (Megalops cyprinoides); cryptic name; morphology [metaphor (colour)]

    2. (b)

      njen bulan sungai ‘freshwater fish as white as moon’ (Tenualosa macrura); cryptic name; morphology [metaphor (colour)]; ecology [metonymy (ecological/spatial)]. The generic epithet is a metaphor, while the specific epithet is a metonym.

    3. (c)

      njen qelɑpɑ’ ‘fish as white as coconut flesh’ (Lactarius lactarius); cryptic name [metaphor (colour)].

Apart from colour, Vaie fish names metaphorically encode TK on salient cultural artefacts, or other living taxa to highlight the morphological characters of the denoted fish.

Examples:

  1. III.
    1. (a)

      qeret tɑ’del ‘flat headed shark’ (Sphyrna lewini); cryptic name [metaphor (shape)].

      tɑ’del is a unique aspect of Vaie, and the larger Melanau culture (Saad 1971). It refers to the flat head of young girls. Traditionally, the Vaie considered girls with a flat forehead as pretty. Therefore, to artificially achieve a flathead, people tied pieces of hardwood or smooth stones with soft paddings to the forehead and back of infant girls (Mally 2017). This cultural practice is known as ‘intentional head shaping’, and the board is called cradleboard. Although this culture is not practised anymore, the information related to it is metaphorically encoded in the name. Qeret tɑ’del thus encodes TK on the shape of the shark head, as well as the cultural importance of ‘flat head’ among Vaie and Melanau communities (Fig. 8.2).

      Fig. 8.2
      figure 2

      a Line drawing of a lady with flattened head (tɑ’del) by Jessica Choo Kuiin Yiih, and b qeret tɑ’del (Sphyrna lewini). Photo Syafitri Hidayati

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    2. (b)

      njen nyipɑ ‘snake fish’ (Muraenesox cinereus); cryptic name [metaphor (shape)]

    3. (c)

      njen selɑyɑr ‘sail fish’ [Istiophorus platypterus]; cryptic name [metaphor (shape)].

    4. (d)

      qeret tete’ ɑsɑng mɑpu’ ‘white gilled lizard shark’ (Chiloscyllium punctatum); cryptic name [metaphor (shape)].

    5. (e)

      njen pay qepba’beg ‘fish that resembles a butterfly’ (Gymnura poecilura); cryptic name [metaphor (shape)].

    6. (f)

      njen sezɑw rɑt ‘marine fish with a mouth resembling that of fowl’ (Abalistes stellaris); cryptic name [metaphor (shape) and metonymy (spatial/ecological)]. See: example I(g).

    7. (g)

      njen ɑlu’- ɑlu’ ‘pestle shaped fish’ (Sphyraena barracuda); cryptic name [metaphor (shape)].

    8. (h)

      njen jamah qɑpe’ ‘axe fish’ (Alectis indica); cryptic name [metaphor (shape)]

    9. (i)

      njen tenggiri’ bɑtɑng ‘log-shaped fish’ (Scomberomorus commerson); cryptic name; morphology [metaphor (shape)].

    10. (j)

      njen tenggiri’ pɑpɑn ‘fish compressed like a board’ (Scomberomorus guttatus); cryptic name [metaphor (shape)].

    11. (k)

      njen pɑy bedirɑ’ ‘flag fish’ (Pastinachus stellurostris); the dorsal fins resemble maritime flags; cryptic name [metaphor (shape)].

Cryptic names could also encode TK on the sizes of taxa. For example,

  1. IV.

    njen puqo’ buloh ‘bamboo fish’ (Panna microdon); cryptic name; [metaphor (size)]

Male and Female Taxa

Vaie people attribute gender forms to taxa that are similar in appearance. Such cryptic names are metaphors that encode TK on the shape and size of the fish. Re’du (female) fish are ‘big round shape’ while manai (male) have an oval and sturdy profile. For example, njen remɑn re’du (Rastrelliger brachysoma) and njen remɑn mɑnɑy (Rastrelliger kanagurta); njen qitɑng re’du (Ephippus orbis) and njen qitɑng mɑnɑy (Drepane punctata) (Fig. 8.3).

Fig. 8.3
figure 3

Photo Syafitri Hidayati

a njen remɑn re’du (Rastrelliger brachysoma); b njen remɑn mɑnɑy (Rastrelliger kanagurta); c njen qitɑng re’du (Ephippus orbis); and d njen qitang manay (Drepane punctata).

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The attribution of gender to various taxa is a curious phenomenon in folk taxonomy. In the Maltese pharmacopoeia, the taxa of xpakkapietra refers to six unrelated species (Tabone 2010). Tabone observed no generalisable pattern and concluded that the premise for classifying taxa into male and female could not be understood as the relevant TK has been lost. The recognition of male and female species has also been reported from the Dusuns of Brunei Darussalam who attribute gender to Lygodium microphyllum and Lygodium circinnatum (Voeks and Nyawa 2006). The leaves of male plants were larger, wider, paler green-coloured, with less venation than female leaves. Ghimire and Aumeeruddy-Thomas (2009) recorded a similar naming pattern from the high altitude agro-pastoralists of Nepal who classify Tetrataenium nepalense into male, female, and neutral. Here too, male species have larger leaves and flowers than their female counterparts. However, Kamsani et al. (2020) did not find any consistent pattern behind gender attribution. The attribution of gender to folk taxa is believed to indicate higher cultural importance accorded to such taxa (Descola and Pálson 2004; Ellen 2004), and the names indicate such cultural importance.

8.3.2.3 Quality

Sound, habit, swimming style, and diet are ‘quality’ attributes of fish used to generate names. We found six fish taxa named using quality mechanism. Although diet could be considered as a separate category of TK mechanism, we include it under quality, as dietary behaviours encoded in names indirectly point to the quality of fish. In the case of njen lu’ey or njen da’ie (Pseudolais micronemus), it is named after its ‘faecal’ eating behaviour, which is an ‘inferior’ quality.

  1. V.
    1. (a)

      njen bengetot (Ilisha pristigastroides).

      njen = fish; bengetot = ‘tot’ sound

  2. (b)

    njen ipot bɑ’ (Toxotes jaculatrix)

    njen = fish; ipot = blow; bɑ’= water

  3. (c)

    njen pɑy tunggol (Himantura uarnacoides)

    njen = fish; pay = rays; tunggol = stump

  4. (d)

    njen lu’ey or njen da’ie (Pseudolais micronemus)

    njen = fish; lu’ey = unanalysable; da’ie = faeces

  5. (e)

    njen pɑy mɑnoq (Rhinoptera javanica)

    njen = fish, pay = rays, manoq = bird

    The fish has a swimming style resembling a bird in flight.

  6. (f)

    njen pɑy mɑnoq tite’ (Aetobatus ocellatus)

    njen = fish, pay = rays, manoq = bird, tite’ = dot)

    The dotted fish has a swimming style like a bird in flight.

In the example of Ilisha pristigastroides, one could hear the ‘tot’ sound only when the fish is freshly caught using a hook or traditional net. However, nowadays fishermen use bottom trawlers, which are dragged on the seafloor for several days to catch the species. Thus, Ilisha pristigastroides is retrieved in dead condition, and the ‘tot’ sound cannot be heard. This shows that traditional practices and traditional knowledge are closely related to each other. In the case of Vaie, it has already been recognised that abandoning traditional forms of fishing have led to the decline of TK and language (Hidayati et al. 2018).

8.3.2.4 Utility

The cryptic name njen jɑmɑh pɑnɑw (Atule mate) was the only one found to encode TK related to utility of the species. The procedural metonym refers to ‘fish of the genus jamah caught by panaw technique’. Culturally, fish caught by panaw technique fetches higher prices in the market, due to their fresh nature.

8.4 Conclusion

Our study shows that folk names could contain vital TK related to the taxa. In the case of cryptic names such as metonyms and metaphors, the encoded TK spans beyond the taxon denoted. Names encoding TK are indicative of the larger TK on the respective taxa accumulated by the community. Such TK held by communities could provide valuable insights in understanding the ecology and population status of understudied species (Begossi et al. 2008; Franco and Minggu 2019). Folk names are also products of linguistic processes specific to the community’s language. Thus, it is possible to understand the vitality status of a community’s language and TK, by analysing its folk names (see Franco et al. 2015; Hidayati 2017; Hidayati et al. 2017, 2018). Researchers should, therefore, consider the potential use of folk names of flora and fauna as indicators of vitality of traditional knowledge and language.