Abstract
After having examined Iran’s international relations in the period from “9/11” to the initial phase of the Iraq War (–2004), this chapter deals with the ensuing period until Iran’s new president Rouhani takes office in 2013. On the one hand, by the mid-2000s, Iran emerged as the region’s indispensable power—as a combined result of the U.S. occupation “quagmires” in Iraq and Afghanistan, and of Iran’s successful regional policies relying on Offensive Realist prescripts—boosted by the political successes of its regional allies and the spike in oil prices leading to record revenues. At a time when Iranian hardliners had assumed supremacy domestically, the IRI turned out to be the victor of the U.S. neo-conservatives’ “regime change” operations. On the other, the “nuclear crisis” that emerged in 2002 put Iran increasingly at odds with Western powers, keeping the threat of war alive and subjected it to unprecedented international sanctions from the mid-2000s onwards.
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Notes
- 1.
See Parsi 2012b.
- 2.
See Saghafi-Ameri 2006b: 3–4.
- 3.
Ibid.: 3.
- 4.
Ibid.: 3.
- 5.
See Mousavian 2008.
- 6.
See Mousavian 2012b: 267–271.
- 7.
Fischer 2007: 39.
- 8.
Saghafi-Ameri and Ahadi 2008.
- 9.
- 10.
Reissner 2005.
- 11.
Djalili and Kellner 2005: 5.
- 12.
However, as Rezakhani (2010: 420) holds, ‘the concept of a continuous, purpose-driven [silk] road or even “routes” […] has no basis in historical reality or records.’
- 13.
See, for example, Saghafi-Ameri and Ahadi 2008.
- 14.
Sariolghalam 2012: 73–74.
- 15.
- 16.
See Zakaria 2008.
- 17.
Author’s interview with Hafeznia.
- 18.
Ehteshami 2007: 82.
- 19.
Ibid.: 82–93.
- 20.
Ehteshami 2007: 95.
- 21.
Own calculation based on BP 2006: 20.
- 22.
Milani 2009: 54.
- 23.
- 24.
Akbarzadeh 2015.
- 25.
Ehteshami 2007: 93.
- 26.
Saghafi-Ameri and Ahadi 2008.
- 27.
Azami et al. 2012.
- 28.
- 29.
Vanaik 2013: 195.
- 30.
- 31.
Johnson 2005.
- 32.
Ahmad 2003: 46.
- 33.
See Waltz 2000.
- 34.
- 35.
Chomsky 2009.
- 36.
Leech and Leech 2009.
- 37.
- 38.
Massarrat 2014.
- 39.
Author’s interview with Kuhn.
- 40.
Massarrat 2014.
- 41.
See, for example, Ahmad 2003: 45–46.
- 42.
Waltz 2000: 14.
- 43.
Ibid.: 15.
- 44.
Ibid.: 15–17.
- 45.
Ibid.: 18.
- 46.
Ibid.: 14.
- 47.
Grevi 2009: 24.
- 48.
Barkawi and Laffey (2002: 109) use the term “imperial hierarchy”.
- 49.
- 50.
- 51.
- 52.
Cited in FNS 2012.
- 53.
See The Daily Star 2012.
- 54.
See also Namâyandeh 2014.
- 55.
- 56.
Cited in Shafaie 2012 (Pt. 1).
- 57.
See Mousavian 2012b: 91–93.
- 58.
Cited in Ribet 2013.
- 59.
Author’s interview with Kuhn.
- 60.
Mousavian 2012b: 93.
- 61.
- 62.
- 63.
By the mid-2000s, the world’s leading consumers of primary energy were (in %): the U.S. (22.2), China (14.7), the Russian Federation (6.4), Japan (5.0), India (3.7), Germany (3.1), France (2.5), the United Kingdom (2.2) and South Korea (2.1) (BP 2006: 40).
- 64.
Fair 2007: 44.
- 65.
- 66.
Purushothaman 2012: 906–907.
- 67.
Fair 2007: 44.
- 68.
See Klare 2008: 205.
- 69.
Noteworthy in this regard was the February 2007 Iran visit by India’s Foreign Minister Pranab Mukherjee amidst heightened U.S.−Iranian discord. See Sreenivasan 2007.
- 70.
Fair 2007: 41.
- 71.
Varadarajan 2005, 2007; Koshy 2005. While President Bush signed the U.S.−Indian civilian nuclear deal into law on 18 December 2006, the U.S. Congress unsuccessfully tried to require India to halt its fissile material production and/or end its military relations with Iran as preconditions for nuclear cooperation.
- 72.
Cited in Varadarajan 2007.
- 73.
- 74.
Purushothaman 2012.
- 75.
See Fathollah-Nejad 2010: 54–59.
- 76.
- 77.
- 78.
Kozhanov 2012a: 16.
- 79.
Ibid.: 16–17. See also Tazmini 2010.
- 80.
Kozhanov 2012a: 8.
- 81.
Sonboli 2009: pt. 1.
- 82.
Sonboli 2009: pt. 2.
- 83.
Torbat 2005: 426 [Table 3].
- 84.
See Kozhanov 2013.
- 85.
See Kuhn 2013: 323ff.
- 86.
- 87.
International Crisis Group 2013.
- 88.
Ibid.: 15–19.
- 89.
Ibid.: 17.
- 90.
See also Lucas 2013.
- 91.
Khamenei 2013a.
- 92.
Hakimian 2012.
- 93.
See Borger 2012.
- 94.
See Porter 2012a.
- 95.
Hadian and Hormozi 2011: 48.
- 96.
Hadian and Hormozi 2011.
- 97.
See e.g. Richter, Paul (2012) ‘U.S. signals major shift on Iran nuclear program’, Los Angeles Times, 27 April.
- 98.
See also interview with Oman researcher Cinzia Bianco, October 2014.
- 99.
Arshad Mohammad & Parisa Hafezi (2013) ‘U.S., Iran held secret talks on march to nuclear deal’, Associated Press, 24 November.
- 100.
See Bozorgmehr 2013.
- 101.
For an exposition of such a view, see Torfeh 2010.
- 102.
VOA 2012.
- 103.
Council of the European Union 2012: 2.
- 104.
See Daragahi and Mostaghim 2010.
- 105.
Abdolvand and Schulz 2010.
- 106.
Xinhua 2010b.
- 107.
See Keck 2013.
- 108.
Bozorgmehr and Dyer 2010.
- 109.
Klebnikov 2003.
- 110.
Lakshmanan and Pratish Narayanan 2012.
- 111.
Salehi-Isfahani 2009b.
- 112.
For Iraq, see Gordon 2010.
- 113.
Sonboli interviewed by Miriam Shabafrouz, 1 June 2012, Berlin; cited in Shabafrouz 2014: 257.
- 114.
- 115.
Cited in Kamali Dehghan 2012.
- 116.
- 117.
See Tahmasebi 2012.
- 118.
ICAN 2012: 5.
- 119.
Ibid.
- 120.
- 121.
Salehi-Isfahani 2010.
- 122.
Author’s conversations with several Iranian student activists (all wishing to remain anonymous), London, 2008–2013.
- 123.
- 124.
See Iran Labor Report 2012.
- 125.
See Malm and Esmailian 2007.
- 126.
See USLAW 2012.
- 127.
Ottolenghi 2010: 25.
- 128.
Ibid.: 21, emphasis added.
- 129.
Ibid.: 26.
- 130.
Licht 2011.
- 131.
Peksen and Drury 2009.
- 132.
Peksen 2009.
- 133.
Peksen 2010.
- 134.
- 135.
ICHRI 2013: 129–141.
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Fathollah-Nejad, A. (2021). Iran’s International Relations in the Face of Imperial Interpolarity: The “Look to the East” Policy and Multifaceted Impact of Sanctions. In: Iran in an Emerging New World Order. Studies in Iranian Politics. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-6074-3_7
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