Abstract
This chapter considers the immigration policy–related reasons behind both Australia’s recent China debate and the connection of Chinese migrants with Australian politics. This chapter has four sections to examine how Australia has modified its use of immigration programs, shifting the focus away from family and humanitarian programs to what is now called merit-based immigration policies, and how the new policies have brought in many migrants from China. This chapter begins with a reflection on Australia’s economic restructuring since the 1970s. The second and third sections look respectively at how the merit-based policies of selecting migrants were initiated, and how an immigration selection tetralogy is developed. The fourth section is a survey of how many Chinese have been attracted to Australia in recent decades.
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Notes
- 1.
The Australian Labor Party (ALP) has won 14 out of 45 House of Representatives elections throughout the history of Australia’s federation since 1901, and its longest-serving prime minister was Bob Hawke, who held the position for nearly nine years from 1983 to 1991 (Barber and Johnson 2014). Bob Hawke was then replaced by Paul Keating at the end of 1991, and the Labor under Paul Keating won the 1993 election. Therefore, the so-called 13 years of Labor rule were actually comprised of two historical periods: the Hawke-led Labor government, and the Keating-led Labor government. In March 1996, The Liberal–National Party Coalition led by John Howard won the 1996 election and the Liberal Party returned to power after 13 years in Opposition. The Howard-led Coalition government were in power for 11 years until their electoral defeat to Kevin Rudd in 2007. In addition to Barber and Johnson (2014), interested readers are referred to Keating (2000), Markus (2001b), McPhail (2007), Kelly (2008, 2010) and Evans (2014).
- 2.
Philip Ruddock was a Liberal member of the House of Representative from 1973 to 2016, the second-longest-serving parliamentarian in the history of the Australian Parliament. During the 11 years of the Howard-led Liberal–National Coalition government, Ruddock served continuously in federal Cabinet, and as the Minister for Immigration from 1996 to 2003. He is worth noting for at least two reasons. First, over the course of the Chinese-student protection issue of the late 1980s and early 1990s, the Labor Hawke and Keating governments had three ministers for immigration: Robert Ray (September 1988 to April 1990), Gerry Hand (April 1990 to March 1993), and Nick Bolkus (March 1993 to March 1996). Ruddock served as the Opposition spokesperson for immigration at the time, and he was deeply involved in dealing with the student protection issue from the Opposition side. Second, Ruddock served as Minister for Immigration and Multicultural Affairs from 1996 to 2003, during which Australia had made a series of major changes to its immigration policies. His speeches and writing are worth studying. For more information about Ruddock, readers are referred to Mares (2002), as well as Jupp (2007) and Marr and Wilkinson (2003).
- 3.
John Maynard Keynes was a British economist who was born in 1883, but his macro-economic ideas, which are often called Keynesian economics or Keynesianism, were mainly used shortly before and after World War II. The 1970s saw a decline of the influence of his economic theories, but his critics focused very heavily on his ideas about the ability and role of government in regulating economic activities and cycles. One of his many publications is The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money, published in 1936, which is widely believed to be a theoretical justification for interventionalist policy approaches. Interested readers can read more about John Keynes in Blaug (1990) and Davenport-Hines (2015), or about his theoretical influence on the debate about Australia’s economic policies in Meredith and Dyster (1999), and Bell and Keating (2018).
- 4.
After Howard, Australia had a period of ‘revolving-door leadership’ (Judd 2018) or ‘revolving-door prime ministers’ (Coorey 2018). Kevin Rudd led the Labor Party to a landslide victory in November 2007, but he was replaced by his deputy Julia Gillard in a leadership spill in June 2010. Julia Gillard won the election in August 2010, and she was then replaced by Kevin Rudd in June 2013 shortly before the 2013 election. Tony Abbott led the Liberal–National Coalition to a federal election victory in September 2013, but he was also challenged in a leadership spill and was replaced by Malcolm Turnbull in September 2015. Malcolm Turnbull led the Coalition to an election victory in July 2016, but he was replaced by Scott Morrison in August 2018. These are seen as Australia’s political drama or a leadership drought, and have turned attention away from key issues of socio-economic life of the nation. Interested readers can read more about Australia’s decade-long federal leadership challenges and instability of the Rudd-Gillard-Rudd-Abbott-Turnbull-Morrison era in Weller (2014), Cooney (2015), Errington and Onselen (2016), Ferguson and Drum (2016), and Freeman (2017).
- 5.
The ten visa categories that are currently in use in Australia, which could help readers understand the focus of immigration policies, are as follows: nine subclasses from subclass 010 to subclass 070 for various bridging visa needs; 27 subclasses from subclass 100 to subclass 190 for a very wide range of migrants, especially for business talent, business owner and investor; five subclasses from subclass 200 to subclass 204 for refugees and humanitarian cases; two subclasses for subclass 300 and subclass 309 for prospective marriage and partner; 16 subclasses from subclass 400 to subclass 489 for attracting short-term workers, specialists and investors; two subclasses from subclass 500 and subclass 590 for foreign students and their guardians; five subclasses from subclass 600 to subclass 676 for many visitors including tourists; five subclasses from subclass 771 to subclass 790 for transit and temporary protection; 22 subclasses from subclass 800 to subclass 893 from a mixed group of migrants. The last several subclasses are for investors and business owners; and two subclasses from subclass 988 and subclass 995 are for maritime crew and diplomates (OPC 2017).
- 6.
Australia’s mandatory detention policy of detaining unlawful arrivals was introduced in 1992 when Gerry Hand was the minister for immigration. At the time, the Labor government had learned its lesson from a large group of onshore Chinese students–turned–asylum seekers, and decided to send out a clear signal that permanent residency in Australia may not be obtained by simply arriving in this country and expecting to be given a chance to stay permanently. The policy was revised but endorsed by subsequent Liberal and Labor governments. The Pacific solution was introduced in September 2001 after the Howard government refused permission for the Norwegian container ship MV Tampa, carrying more than 430 rescued asylum seekers, to enter Australian waters in August 2001. The key point of the solution is to send asylum seekers to Nauru, and at the same time many Australian islands were excluded from Australia’s migration zone. The policy was criticised by the Rudd Labor government (2007–2010), resulting in resurgence of boat arrivals from 2008 to 2009, which partially contributed to the downfall of the first Rudd government in June 2010. The succeeding Gillard-led Labor government introduced a similar policy in 2012. For more information about both Australia’s mandatory detention policy and the Pacific solution, see Errington and Onselen (2007), Jupp (2007), Weller (2014), Cooney (2015) and Fiske (2016).
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Gao, J. (2020). Australia’s New Immigration Selection Tetralogy. In: Chinese Immigration and Australian Politics. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5909-9_2
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