Abstract
The Prologue to this monograph opens with an introduction to Dorian Wilde—Malaysian trans activist, gender and sexuality rights advocate, and founder and co-leader of the online support group Transmen of Malaysia (ToM)—for a preliminary investigation of the vicissitudes of trans men through his eyes. The section on transdiscourses elucidates the crucial relevance of affirming terminologies of self-identity which are devised by trans men themselves for self-actualisation and self-empowerment. A presentation on the ethic of unsilencing, which serves as the overarching analytical framework for the entire book, appears before a brief discussion on transgender studies in Malaysia. The chapter overview, which closes the Prologue, samples narratives that contextualise the constitutive elements involved in the becomings of Malaysian trans men.
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Notes
- 1.
Dorian Wilde’s assigned name at birth as it appears in his MyKad or Malaysian Identity Card is adequately androgynous-sounding to elude gender policing. Nonetheless, he has indicated his preference to use, and be addressed and referred to as ‘Dorian Wilde’. See also ‘Appendix 2: Interviewing Dorian Wilde’.
- 2.
The precise etymology of ‘mak nyah’ remains obscure, but Thaatchaayini Kananatu and I suggest the following: ‘“[M]ak” is a Malay honorific used for senior women. “Nyah” is an abbreviation of “nyonya”, a term used for Malaysian ladies of mixed parentage. It is often used in reference to effeminate male-bodied subjects. Taken together, “mak nyah” can be understoodas a respectful term for effeminate, lady-like men’ (2018, n. 1). Trans activist Khartini Slamah (2005) states that the term was chosen and appropriated by trans women in Peninsular Malaysia themselves in 1987 in order to create a unique group identity that would simultaneously confer a sense of dignity.
- 3.
There are three matters I wish to bring up here. First, Western-groomed categories that make up the LGBTIQ acronym continue to gain traction among Malaysians. The imaginaries of self-empowerment and self-actualisation that ‘LGBTIQ’ harbour are far more appealing than mostly derogatory local terms. Second, ‘LGBTIQ’ is my extension of the term ‘LGBT’ which is gaining popularity in ‘newspaper articles without parenthetical explanation’ (Ferrarese et al. 2015, 54) and is used in a disparaging manner by Malaysian politicians and religious leaders. Gay men and trans women arguably command greater prominence as compared to other communities in the country.
- 4.
Owing to the fact that a majority of Malay-Muslim, Indian and indigenous Malaysians use patronymic names, I will refer to most of them by their first names. However, it must be noted that while some do adopt surnames, its use is arbitrary, inconsistent and undetermined.
- 5.
See ‘Appendix 1: Designing the Research Project’ for a fuller description of each research participant.
- 6.
These names are all self-selected pseudonyms. In ‘Appendix 1: Designing the Research Project’, I provide more information on the research design and research participants.
- 7.
During a face-to-face conversation on 4th June 2016, Wilde expressed his discomfort with the term ‘transgenderism’ and insisted vehemently that Malaysian trans men are not ‘isms’. Since then I have avoided the term in favour of ‘subjectivity’, ‘self-affirmed gender identity’, ‘gender identity’, ‘personhood’ and other similar terms. See ‘Epilogue’.
- 8.
The national language of Indonesia which is similar to the national language of Malaysia.
- 9.
Bahasa Malaysia or Malay, sometimes referred to as Bahasa Melayu, is the national language of Malaysia.
- 10.
My research participants provided sparse feedback on class, ethnicity and spatial issues, even when persistently prompted. I am inclined to believe that these issues are ordinarily more implicitly than explicitly experienced and articulated.
- 11.
Throughout this book, I use such terms, as well as ‘womanness’, ‘womanhood’, ‘womanliness’, ‘femaleness’ and ‘femininity’ without inverted commas not in an ontological sense, but to denote a performance of traits that convincingly portray a desired gender identity.
- 12.
WhatsApp conversation with Wilde, 24th April 2018.
- 13.
Dennis Altman’s article ‘On Global Queering’ (1996) comes immediately to mind.
- 14.
Patriarchy is ‘a system of society or government in which men hold the power and women are largely excluded from it’ (Brown 2016, 207). Heteronormativity ‘refers … to the myriad ways in which heterosexuality is produced as a natural, unproblematic, taken-for-granted, ordinary phenomenon’ (Kitzinger 2005, 478). In the same vein, cisnormativity ‘highlights the privileging of a non-trans norm’ (Pyne 2011, 129) as ‘trans bodies are rendered unintelligible and unwelcome’ (Pyne 2011, 133).
- 15.
See ‘Appendix 1: Designing the Research Project’.
- 16.
Throughout this volume, I refer to this scholar and his works solely by the name ‘Aaron Devor’.
- 17.
Warp’s narrative here evinces a blend of English and Bahasa Malaysia, common among Malaysians.
- 18.
Literally, Bumiputeras means ‘“sons (or princes) of the soil”’. The contentious category is often used ‘to justify preferential treatment in … politics and the economy’ (Holst 2012, 35) for Malaysians of Malay and indigenous descent.
- 19.
Malaysia conducts its Census every ten years, and the next one is slated for 2020.
- 20.
‘Lah’ is a suffix that is added to casual conversations in multiple languages in Malaysia, Singapore and Brunei Darussalam as a ‘“solidarity/familiarity/emphasis” marker’ (Ooi 2001, 113).
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Goh, J.N. (2020). Prologue. In: Becoming a Malaysian Trans Man. Gender, Sexualities and Culture in Asia. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-4534-4_1
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