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Optimization of China’s Strategic Ideas

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Abstract

Soft power is an indispensable constituent of national power. Joseph Nye defines soft power as a country’s cultural and ideological influence, that is, the ability to influence the behavior of others to get the ideal outcomes one wants by attractiveness rather than force.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Helmut von Moltke, “On Strategy”, Miltarische Werke, Vol. II, Berlin, 1900, p. 219.

  2. 2.

    Raymond Aron, “The Evolution of Modern Strategic Thought”, in Raymond Aron, ed., Problems of Modern Strategy, London: Praeger, 1970, p. 7.

  3. 3.

    Joseph Nye, Jr., Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power, New York: Basic Books, 1990, pp.188, 267; The Paradox of American Power: Why the World's Only Superpower Can't Go It Alone, New York: Oxford University Press, 2002, p. 9.

  4. 4.

    Zhao Ying, Destiny of World Powers: Interests and Strategies, Beijing: Economy & Management Publishing House, 2001, p. 127; Yu Xilai, “Growth of Emerging World Powers: Glory and Dreams—A Review of China’s Achievements in the 20th Century”, Strategy and Management, Issue 6, 1999, pp. 1–17.

  5. 5.

    Jacques Derrida, Aporias: Dying-Awaiting (One Another at) the “Limits of Truth”, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993, pp. 1–11.

  6. 6.

    Wang Yuechuan, “Discovering the East and Outline of Cultural Exportation”, in Yuhong, eds., Questions No. 1, Beijing: Central Compilation & Translation Press, 2003, pp. 1–30.

  7. 7.

    Judith Goldstein and Robert Keohane, “Ideas and Foreign Policy: An Analytical Framework”, in Judith Goldstein and Robert Keohane, eds., Ideas and Foreign Policy: Beliefs, Institutions and Political Changes, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993, p. 30.

  8. 8.

    Yu Yingshi, A Modern Interpretation of Chinese Ideological Tradition, Nanjing: Jiangsu People's Publishing Ltd., 2003, p. 2.

  9. 9.

    John Mueller, “The Impact of Ideas on Grand Strategy”, in Richard Rosecrance and Arthur Stein, eds., The Domestic Bases of Grand Strategy, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, p. 49.

  10. 10.

    Judith Goldstein and Robert Keohane, “Ideas and Foreign Policy: An Analytical Framework”, p. 4.

  11. 11.

    Ibid., pp. 12–13.

  12. 12.

    Alexander Wendt, Social Theory of International Politics, Shanghai People's Publishing House, 2000, p. 167.

  13. 13.

    Ibid., pp. 146–150.

  14. 14.

    John Mueller, “The Impact of Ideas on Grand Strategy”, p. 55.

  15. 15.

    Men Honghua, “Criticism of the Major International Regimes Theories”, World Economics and Politics, Issue 3, 2000, pp. 23–29.

  16. 16.

    About the importance of learning, please see Joseph Nye, “Nuclear Learning and US-Soviet Security Regimes”, International Organization, Vol. 41, No. 2, 1987, pp. 371–402; Ernst Haas, “Why Collaborate? Issue-Linkage and International Regimes”, World Politics, Vol. 32, No. 2, 1980, pp. 357–405; Janice Gross Stein, “Political Learning by Doing”, International Organization, Vol. 48, 1994, pp. 155–183; Jeffrey Knoff, “The Importance of International Learning”, Review of International Studies, Vol. 29, No. 1, 2003, pp. 185–207.

  17. 17.

    John Mueller, “The Impact of Ideas on Grand Strategy”, p. 62.

  18. 18.

    See Zhang Baijia, “Change Itself to Influence the World: An Outline of Chinese Diplomacy during the 20th Century”, Social Sciences in China, Issue 1, 2002, pp. 4–19; Men Honghua, “Strategic Roadmap of China’s Idea Evolution”, World Economics and Politics, Issue 7, 2007, pp. 13–20; Men Honghua, “China’s Rise and Changes in the International Order”, Quarterly Journal of International Politics, Issue 1, 2016, pp. 63–93.

  19. 19.

    Li Jijun, On Strategy, p. 19.

  20. 20.

    Colin Gray pointed out that any academic work on strategic culture is prized for its rarity. See Colin S. Gray, “Strategic Culture as Context”, Review of International Studies, Vol. 25, No. 1, 1999, pp. 49–69; Stuart Poore, “What is the Context? A Reply to Gray-Johnston Debate on Strategic Culture”, Review of International Studies, Vol. 29, No. 2, 2003, pp. 279–284. In recent years, China's strategic culture has become a hot topic in strategic research, but there are still not many relevant articles. See Zhang Shu Guang, Deterrence and Strategic Culture: Chinese-America Confrontations, 1949–1958, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992; Alastair Jain Johnston, Cultural Realism: Strategic Culture and Grand Strategy in Chinese History, Princeton: Princeton University Press 1995; Andrew Scobell, China and Strategic Culture, Washington: The Strategic Studies Institute, May 2002; Li Jijun, On Strategy, Beijing: PLA Publishing House, 2002; Gong Yuzhen, Analysis of China's Strategic Culture, Beijing: Military Science Publishing House, 2002; Li Shenming, “China's Strategic Culture and Its Opportunities and Challenges”, Studies on Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping Theories, Issue 5, 2010; Jiang Haiyang, “From Returning to the Construction of the International Society: On China's Contemporary Strategic Culture”, Lanzhou Academic Journal, Issue 1, 2008; Jiang Xiyuan, “An Analysis on Formulation of Harmonious World and Reconstruction of Strategic Culture of China”, Teaching and Research, Issue 2, 2009; Zhou Xueyi, “Divergence in National Security Viewpoint between China and USA Based on Difference in their Strategic Culture”, Wuhan University Journal (Philosophy & Social Sciences), Issue 6, 2009; Zhu Zhongbo, Zhou Yunheng, “China's Strategic Culture of Peace: A Reassessment of ‘Cultural Realism’”, Journal of Contemporary Asia-Pacific Studies, Issue 1, 2011; Dong Qingling, “Towards Neo-classical Diplomacy: the Reviving of Traditional Culture and Chinese New Periphery Strategy”, Pacific Journal, Issue 12, 2011; Shi Yinhong, “China in Arms: The Millennial Strategic Traditions and Their Diplomatic Implications”, World Economy and Politics, Issue 6, 2011; Tan Tan, “From ‘Peaceful Coexistence’ to ‘Peaceful Development’—On China's Foreign Strategic Culture Since the Founding of the People's Republic of China”, Theory Monthly, Issue 6, 2011; Li Shaojun, “China's Strategic Culture”, Journal of Contemporary Asia-Pacific Studies, Issue 1, 2009; Shi Yinhong, “Traditional Chinese Experience and Contemporary Chinese Practice: Strategic Adjustment, Overdrawing and Rejuvenation”, Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 6, 2015.

  21. 21.

    Ken Booth and Russel Trood, eds., Strategic Culture in the Asia-Pacific Region, Houndsmills: MacMillan Press, 1999, pp. 363–371.

  22. 22.

    Jack Snyder, Soviet Strategic Culture: Implications for Limited Nuclear Operations, Santa Monica: RAND, 1977, p. 9.

  23. 23.

    The macroscopic studies of strategic culture focus on the analysis of geography, national cultural characteristics and history. The meso studies focus on social, economic and political structures. The micro studies focus on military organizations and military-political relations. See Carl G. Jacobsen, ed., Strategic Power: USA/USSR, London: St. Martin's Press, 1990, pp. 35–49.

  24. 24.

    Alastair Iain Johnston, “Thinking about Strategic Culture”, International Security, Vol. 19, No. 4, Spring 1995, pp. 32–64.

  25. 25.

    Carles Lord, “American Strategic Culture”, Comparative Strategy, Vol. 5, No. 3, 1985, pp. 263–293.

  26. 26.

    In addition, Alan Whiting’s understanding of strategic culture also has a similar tendency. See Allen Whiting, China Eyes Japan, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1989, quoted in Andrew Scobell, China and Strategic Culture, Washington: The Strategic Studies Institute, May 2002, p. 2.

  27. 27.

    Bradley Klein, “Hegemony and Strategic Culture: American Power Projection and Alliance Defense Politics”, Review of International Studies, Vol. 14, 1988, pp. 133–148.

  28. 28.

    Alastair Iain Johnston, “Thinking about Strategic Culture”, pp. 32–64; Jeffrey Legro, Cooperation under Fired Anglo-German Restraint During World War, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1995; Elizabeth Kier, “Culture and Military Doctrine: France Between the Wars”, International Security, Vol. 19, No. 4, Spring 1995, pp. 65–93.

  29. 29.

    For a detailed analysis of the debate, please see Stuart Poore, “What is the Context? A Reply to Gray-Johnston Debate on Strategic Culture”, pp. 279–284.

  30. 30.

    Alastair Iain Johnston, Cultural Realism: Strategic Culture and Grand Strategy in Chinese History, p. ix.

  31. 31.

    Alastair Iain Johnston, “Thinking about Strategic Culture”, pp. 32–64; Alastair Iain Johnston, Cultural Realism: Strategic Culture and Grand Strategy in Chinese History, pp. 36–37.

  32. 32.

    Colin Gray, Modern Strategy, London: Oxford University Press, 1999, p. 28.

  33. 33.

    Colin S. Gray, “Strategic Culture as Context”, pp. 49–69.

  34. 34.

    Li Jijun, On Strategy, pp. 18–22.

  35. 35.

    Gong Yuzhen, Analysis of China's Strategic Culture, pp. 10–11.

  36. 36.

    Andrew Scobell, China and Strategic Culture, pp. v–vi.

  37. 37.

    Alastair Iain Johnston, Cultural Realism: Strategic Culture and Grand Strategy in Chinese History, p. ix.

  38. 38.

    Discourses of the States: Discourses of Zhou (I).

  39. 39.

    Shih Chih-yu, Studies on Chinese Mainland Issues, Taipei: San Min Book, 1995, p. 109.

  40. 40.

    Mark Mancall, China at the Center: 300 Years of Foreign Policy, London: The Free Press, 1984, p. 11.

  41. 41.

    Moralism is a prominent feature in Chinese strategic culture, as are non-violence and non-expansionism, while value rationality takes the dominant position. See Gong Yuzhen, Analysis of China’s Strategic Culture, pp. 71–129.

  42. 42.

    Li Jijun, Military Strategic Thinking, Beijing: Military Science Publishing House, 1998, pp. 237–238; Li Jijun, On Strategy, pp. 20–22.

  43. 43.

    Wu Chunqiu, On Grand Strategy and the History of World Wars, Beijing: PLA Publishing House, 2002, pp. 97, 137–139.

  44. 44.

    Alastair Iain Johnston, “Thinking about Strategic Culture”, pp. 32–64.

  45. 45.

    Qin Yaqing, “National Identity, Strategic Culture and Security Interests: Three Hypotheses on the Interaction between China and the International Community”, World Economics and Politics, Issue 1, 2003, pp. 10–15.

  46. 46.

    Alastair Iain Johnston, “Cultural Realism and Strategy in Maoist China”, in Peter J. Katzenstein, ed., The Culture of National Security: Norms and Identity in World Politics, New York: Columbia University Press, 1996, pp. 216–268.

  47. 47.

    Andrew Scobell, China and Strategic Culture, pp. v–vi.

  48. 48.

    Li Jijun, Military Strategic Thinking, pp. 237–238.

  49. 49.

    Qin Yaqing, National Identity, Strategic Culture and Security Interests: Three Hypotheses on the Interaction between China and the International Community, pp. 10–15.

  50. 50.

    David M. Lampton, “China's Growing Power and Influence in Asia: Implications for US Policy”, https://www.nixoncenter.org/index.cfm?action=publications, March 28, 2004.

  51. 51.

    Xi Jinping, “Keeping with the Trend of the Times to Promote the Peaceful Development of the World”, People's Daily, March 24, 2013, p. 1.

  52. 52.

    Alastair Iain Johnston, “Cultural Realism and Strategy in Maoist China”, in Peter J. Katzenstein, ed., The Culture of National Security: Norms and Identity in World Politics, New York: Columbia University Press, 1996, pp. 216–268.

  53. 53.

    Michel Oksenberg, “China Joins the World: Progress and Prospects”, in Robert Pastor, ed., A Century's Journey: How the Great Powers Shape the World, Shanghai People's Publishing House, 2001, p. 324.

  54. 54.

    The theory of “moral realism” proposed by Yan Xuetong epitomizes a deeper understanding of moral values by Chinese scholars. See Yan Xuetong, “From Keeping a Low Profile to Striving to Achievement”, Chinese Journal of International Politics, Vol. 7, No. 2, Spring 2014, pp. 158–184; Yan Xuetong, An International Relations Theory of Moral Realism, International Studies, Issue 5, 2014, pp. 102–127.

  55. 55.

    Paul M. Evans, ed., Studying Asia Pacific Security: The Future of Research Training and Dialogue Activity, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1994, p. 8.

  56. 56.

    Zhang Wenmu, “Chinese Philosophy of National Security”, Strategy and Management, Issue 1, 2000, pp. 24–32.

  57. 57.

    Philip Zelikow, “The Transformation of National Security”, The National Interest, No. 1, Spring 2003, p. 19.

  58. 58.

    Robert Jervis, “Security Regimes”, International Organization, Vol. 36, No. 2, Spring 1982, pp. 357–378; Robert Powell, “Absolute and Relative Gains in International Relations Theory”, in David A. Baldwin, ed., Neorealism and Neoliberalism: The Contemporary Debate, New York: Columbia University Press, 1993, pp. 209–233.

  59. 59.

    Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War, New York: Random House, 1951, p. 25.

  60. 60.

    Shi Yinhong, “Security Dilemma and Necessity of Security System in East Asia”, Strategy and Management, Issue 4, 2000, pp. 86–92.

  61. 61.

    Kenneth Waltz, Theory of International Politics, Beijing: People’s Public Security University of China, 1992, pp. 147–155; Henry Kissinger, Diplomacy, Hainan Publishing House, 1998, pp. 4–6; Hans Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace, Shanghai: Shanghai Translation Publishing House, 1995, Chaps. 11–14.

  62. 62.

    Hans Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace, p. 222.

  63. 63.

    He Yao & Ren Xiao, “Thoughts on the Theory of Balance of Power”, in Zi Zhongyun, ed., Exploration of the Theory of International Politics in China, Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 1998, pp. 218–235.

  64. 64.

    For detailed analysis, see Men Honghua, The Dimension of Peace: Research on the UN Collective Security Systems, Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 2002, Chap. 3.

  65. 65.

    Philip Zelikow, “The Transformation of National Security”, The National Interest, No. 1, Spring 2003, pp. 17–28.

  66. 66.

    Stephen Walt, The Origins of Alliances, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1987, p. 49.

  67. 67.

    Michael D. Swaine and Ashley J. Tellis, Interpreting China's Grand Strategy: Past, Present, and Future, Ithaca: RAND, 2000, pp. 133–140.

  68. 68.

    Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye, Jr., Power and Interdependence (4th Edition), New York: Addison-Wesley, Longman, 2011, pp. 8–21.

  69. 69.

    Traditional security mainly refers to territorial integrity, i.e. no territory invasion, and what challenges sovereignty primarily comes from external military threats. Non-traditional security mainly refers to ensuring resource supply and maintaining surviving environment, or safeguarding the rights to develop and survive, and what challenges non-traditional security primarily comes from non-military threats. See Zhang Yunling, “Comprehensive Security Concept and Reflection on China’s National Security”, Journal of Contemporary Asia-Pacific Studies, Issue 1, 2000, pp. 4–16.

  70. 70.

    Michael E. Marti, “China: Making the Case for Realistic Engagement”, Strategic Forum (Institute for National Strategic Studies, National Defense University), No. 185, September 2001, pp. 1–4.

  71. 71.

    For relevant analyses, see Qin Yaqing, “National Identity, Strategic Culture, and Security Interests: Three Hypotheses on the Interaction between China and the International Community”, pp. 10–15; Men Honghua, “New Concept of Security, Interest Community and Strategic Thoroughfare: An Exploration to China’s Security Interest”, Teaching and Research, Issue 8, 2004, pp. 54–58; Men Honghua, “Strategic Roadmap of China’s Idea Evolution”, World Economics and Politics, Issue 7, 2007, pp.13-20; Men Honghua, “Starting a New Era of Comprehensively Deepening Reform and Expanding Opening-up in China—On the Trend of China’s Grand Strategy in the Next Decade”, Study & Exploration, Issue 8, 2015, pp. 40–44.

  72. 72.

    For researches on Chinese diplomatic philosophy, please see: Zhang Ruizhuang, “What Diplomatic Philosophy Should China Choose—Comments on the New World Order and Historical Choices of Newly Emerging Countries”, Strategy and Management, Issue 1, 1999, pp. 54–67; Yu Xilai & Wu Zichen, “’More Profit, Less Justice’ Should not Be China’s Diplomatic Philosophy—Response to Mr. Zhang Ruizhuang”, Strategy and Management, Issue 2, 1999, pp. 94–102; Shi Yinhong & Song Dexing, “On China’s International Attitude, Diplomatic Philosophy, and Primary Strategy in the Early 21st Century”, Strategy and Management, Issue 1, 2001, pp. 10–19; Shi Yinhong, “To Have a Long Vision—Diplomatic Philosophy on External Affairs and Secular Grand Strategy for China in the Early 21st Century”, Journal of Harbin Institute of Technology (Social Sciences Edition), Issue 2, 2001, pp. 13–20; Fan Wen, “Thinking Highly of Philosophical Research of Chinese Diplomacy”, Journal of Beijing Administrative College, Issue 5, 2001, pp. 70–73; Fan Wen, “On Diplomatic Philosophy”, Expanding Horizons, Issue 6, 2002, pp. 57–60; Sui Xinmin, “Understanding Zhou En-lai's Diplomatic Thoughts from Philosophical Perspective”, Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 2, 2006, pp. 77–83; Jiang Xiyuan, “From Tian-Xia Doctrine to Harmonious World: Diplomatic-Philosophic Choice of China and Its Practical Implications”, Foreign Affairs Review, Issue 4, 2007, pp. 46–53; Zhao Kejin, “China's Position and Role in the World: Exploring New Diplomatic Philosophy”, The Journal of International Studies, Issue 4, 2012, pp. 50–64; Yang Jiemian, “On Exploration, Construction and Practice of Chinese Diplomatic Philosophy”, International Review, Issue 6, 2015, pp. 1–12.

  73. 73.

    Chen Lemin, ed., The History of Western Diplomatic Thoughts, Beijing: China Social Sciences Press, 1995, pp. 6–7.

  74. 74.

    Shi Yinhong, “To Have a Long Vision—Diplomatic Philosophy on External Affairs and Secular Grand Strategy for China in the Early 21st Century”, pp. 13–20.

  75. 75.

    Cai Tuo, “Globalization and Nationalism”, Social Sciences in China, Issue 3, 2000, pp. 16–27.

  76. 76.

    Shi Yinhong, “To Have a Long Vision—Diplomatic Philosophy on External Affairs and Secular Grand Strategy for China in the Early 21st Century”, pp. 13–20.

  77. 77.

    Compilation of Documents for the 11th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 1978, p. 33.

  78. 78.

    Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, Vol. III, p. 104.

  79. 79.

    Ibid., p. 127.

  80. 80.

    Ibid., p. 383.

  81. 81.

    Ni Jianmin & Chen Zishun, China’s International Strategy, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2003, p. 187.

  82. 82.

    Report to the 18th National Congress develops this thought to “make the international order and system more just and equitable”.

  83. 83.

    Geoffrey Parker, Geopolitics: Past, Present and Future, Beijing: Xinhua Publishing House, 2003, p. 177.

  84. 84.

    Samuel Huntington, “The Lonely Superpower”, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 78, No. 2, March/April 1999, pp. 35–49.

  85. 85.

    Richard Haass, “What to Do With American Primacy”, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 78, No. 5, Sept./Oct.1999, pp. 37–48.

  86. 86.

    Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, Vol. III, p. 353.

  87. 87.

    Quoted from a secondary source: Yu Sui, “An Analysis of the Multipolarization of the World”, World Economics and Politics, Issue 3, 2004, pp. 15–20.

  88. 88.

    Zhang Baijia, “Change Itself to Influence the World: An Outline of Chinese Diplomacy during the 20th Century”, pp. 4–19.

  89. 89.

    Ye Zicheng, “It’s Imperative for China to Implement Major-Country Diplomatic Strategy—Reflections on China’s Diplomatic Strategy”, World Economics and Politics, Issue 1, 2000, pp. 5–10.

  90. 90.

    Xu Zhijia, On China’s Mode of Diplomatic Decision-Making, Taipei: Buffalo Book Co, 2000, p. 41.

  91. 91.

    Men Honghua & Liu Xiaoyang, “Partnership Strategy of China: Progress, Evaluation and Prospects”, World Economics and Politics, Issue 2, 2015, pp. 65–95.

  92. 92.

    “Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs Takes Place at Beijing”, People’s Daily, November 30, 2014, p. 1.

  93. 93.

    Robert Keohane, “Multilateralism: An Agenda for Research”, International Journal, Autumn, 1990, pp. 730–764.

  94. 94.

    Qin Yaqing, “Studies on Multilateralism: Theory and Method”, World Economics and Politics, Issue 10, 2001, pp. 9–14.

  95. 95.

    Qian Wenrong, “Reflection on Theories and Policies of Multilateralism and Multilateral Diplomacy”, World Economics and Politics, Issue 10, 2001, pp. 14–19.

  96. 96.

    Wang Yizhou, “China and Multilateral Diplomacy in the New Century”, Pacific Journal, Issue 4, 2001, pp. 3–12.

  97. 97.

    Emanuel Adler and Michael Barnett, Security Communities, Cambridge University Press, 1998, p. 56.

  98. 98.

    For similar opinions, see: Joseph Nye, The Paradox of American Power: Why the World's Only Superpower Can't Go It Alone? New York: Oxford University Press, 2002, pp. 157–160.

  99. 99.

    Men Honghua, On East Asian Order: Regional Changes, Power Game and China’s Strategy, Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 2015, p. 223.

  100. 100.

    Evan S. Medeiros and M. Taylor Fravel, “China's New Diplomacy”, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 82, No. 6, November/December 2003, pp. 22–35.

  101. 101.

    Men Honghua, “Starting a New Era of Comprehensively Deepening Reform and Expanding Opening-up in China—On the Trend of China’s Grand Strategy in the Next Decade”, Study & Exploration, Issue 8, 2015, pp. 40–44.

  102. 102.

    Men Honghua, The Latitude of Peace: The Study of UN Collective Security Mechanism, Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 2002, p. 377.

  103. 103.

    Alexander Wendt, Social Theory of International Politics, p. 167.

  104. 104.

    Men Honghua, “The Expansion of China’s National Strategic Interests”, Strategy and Management, Issue 2, 2003, pp. 83–89.

  105. 105.

    Hu Angang & Men Honghua, “A Comparison of Tangible Strategic Resources among China, the US, India, Japan and Russia—Commenting on China’s Grand Strategy to Make It Richer and Stronger”, Strategy and Management, Issue 2, 2002, pp. 26–41.

  106. 106.

    Guo Shuyong, “Multiple Significance of Culture for National Interests in the Globalization Era”, Contemporary International Relations, Issue 2, 2003, pp. 36–41.

  107. 107.

    Robert Keohane, After Hegemony: Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984, p. 63.

  108. 108.

    Susan Strange, The Retreat of the State: the Diffusion of Power in the World Economy, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996, p. 4.

  109. 109.

    Chris Brown, Understanding International Relations, Houndmills: Macmillan Press Ltd, 1997, p. 51.

  110. 110.

    Boutros Boutros-Ghali, An Agenda for Peace, New York: United Nations, 1992, Paragraph 17.

  111. 111.

    Wang Yizhou, On Contemporary International Politics, Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 1995, pp. 81–82.

  112. 112.

    Xi Jinping, Xi Jinping: The Governance of China, Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2014, p. 297.

  113. 113.

    Men Honghua, “On the Prospect of East Asian Order Construction”, Teaching and Research, Issue 2, 2015, pp. 56–62.

  114. 114.

    Joseph Nye, Bound to Lead: the Changing Nature of American Power, New York: Basic Books, 1990, pp.2-8; Joseph Nye, The Paradox of American Power: Why the World's Only Superpower Can't Go It Alone, New York: Oxford University Press, 2002, pp. 8–12.

  115. 115.

    Men Honghua, “Assessment Report on the Soft Power of China”, International Review, Issues 2&3, 2007, pp. 15–26 & 37–46.

  116. 116.

    Shi Yinhong, “Reflection on China’s Status as a Major Country and Its Image”, International Economic Review, Issue 9–10, 1999, pp. 43–44.

  117. 117.

    Men Honghua, ed., China Strategy Report I: Strategic Thinking of China's Soft Power, Beijing: People’s Publishing House, 2013.

  118. 118.

    David Armstrong, Revolution and World Order: The Revolutionary State in International Society, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993, p. 184.

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Men, H. (2020). Optimization of China’s Strategic Ideas. In: China's Grand Strategy. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-4257-2_3

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