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Can Social Property Survive Under Neoliberalism?: A View from Australia

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Léon Duguit and the Social Obligation Norm of Property

Abstract

This chapter addresses the practicalities and possibilities of Leon Duguit’s social function norm under neo-liberalism. Addressing Duguit’s articulation of the social function norm through a contemporary lens, this chapter argues that the steady shift towards individualistic property relations limits the social function norm’s application. Drawing from key thinkers on neoliberalism, this chapter balances contemporary issues in property, with Duguit’s own evolutionary assumptions on property rights. We conclude by acknowledging the difficulties in finding common ground between the social function norm and contemporary, neoliberal approaches to property, before identifying one major exception. Through Bonnie Honig’s idea of ‘public things’, we argue that within the public space there is a potential to utilise the social function norm to aid ideas of community and property. This nuanced application of Duguit locates a nexus where social obligations can function under neoliberalism.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For a study on Germany see Raff (2004).

  2. 2.

    Durkheim’s writings attest to his concern about moral anarchy (Anomie) and the potential for reactionary groups such as Social Catholics to define key concepts in society.

  3. 3.

    In saying this I should also highlight that Duguit described Durkheim’s concept of ‘collective conscience’ as a pure hypothesis. This is one of the reasons Duguit cannot be considered a pure follower of the Durkheimian school.

  4. 4.

    In his lecture ‘Property as a Social Function’ Duguit goes out of his way to distance himself from Marxism. In a rather unconvincing digression, he notes: ‘I am also not looking for whether, as some claim in some schools, there is an irremediable opposition between those who hold wealth, and those who don’t, between the owner-class and the proletarian class, the latter needing to expropriate and soon annihilate the former. But I cannot nonetheless restrain myself from saying that according to me these schools have completely erroneous version of things: the structure of modern societies is much more complex. In France, notably, a large number of persons are both owners and worker. It is a crime to preach the struggle between classes, and I think we are walking not towards the annihilation of one class by another, but to the contrary towards a regime of coordination and a process of creating hierarchy of classes.’ See also Duguit’s debate with Proudhon about trade unionism and his hostility to public service strikes (Jones 2002, 167–168).

  5. 5.

    Translation my own.

  6. 6.

    Translation my own.

  7. 7.

    This perspective also led Duguit to oppose unionism and strike actions in the public service: ‘The rulers have a compulsory mission to which they cannot avoid…Since this mission is obligatory, institutions by them cannot strike or unionize’ (Jones 2002, 169–170 [translation my own]).

  8. 8.

    Translation my own.

  9. 9.

    Translation my own.

  10. 10.

    Translation my own.

  11. 11.

    Translation my own.

  12. 12.

    Translation my own.

  13. 13.

    Jones notes: ‘Duguit sought to reconstruct private law on the public model, which explains why his ideas provoked most controversy when he turned his attention to private law.’.

  14. 14.

    Translation my own.

  15. 15.

    Translation my own.

  16. 16.

    Translation my own.

  17. 17.

    On the relationship between choice and private property see: Babie (2011).

  18. 18.

    This perspective has been enormously influential and its focus on individual preference satisfaction found a champion in liberal and neoliberal capitalism. While not trying to position Blackstone as the ultimate source of contemporary thinking, his description of property as dominion is widely held in society today. See Babie et al. (2018).

  19. 19.

    For more examples see Mirow (2010, 208).

  20. 20.

    Duguit adopted this from Durkheim. For more on Durkheim see Hinkle (1976).

  21. 21.

    See Babie et al. (2018).

  22. 22.

    For discussion of Chili see Klein (2008, 98–115). See also Peck et al. (2009, 49–66).

  23. 23.

    Note that Humphrys directly challenges part of this narrative by positioning the Labor Part in Australia as the key driver of neoliberalism.

  24. 24.

    Although Humphrys also points out different instances where the authors repeat the US/UK origin story described above (Humphrys 2015, 778).

  25. 25.

    While the land is held under a pastoral lease it is non exclusive and exists alongside native title claims. At 193 Graham describes one perspective on social and ecological obligation: “What is radical about Purvis’ farming practice is that rather than regarding land as the non-specific thing and rather than ‘battling’ the land, Purvis transformed his relationship to the land as one of reciprocity and developing knowledge.” See also Sinatra and Murphy (1999). On the notion of adapting practices to the land see Jackson and Berry (1985) and Jackson (2011). For an excellent survey of Australian first nations ideas of stewardship and obligation see Weir (2009).

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Burdon, P.D., Stewart, J.G. (2019). Can Social Property Survive Under Neoliberalism?: A View from Australia. In: Babie, P., Viven-Wilksch, J. (eds) Léon Duguit and the Social Obligation Norm of Property. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-7189-9_15

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