Abstract
This chapter builds on chapter one’s argument that initially in both Australia and internationally, social democracy’s mission was largely conceived in terms of improving the pay and conditions of a white, heterosexual, male breadwinner head of household. Despite some historical exceptions, for example in nineteenth century German social democracy, social democratic parties such as Australian Labor generally neglected issues of discrimination against gays and lesbians. This chapter traces how Australian Labor governments from the nineteen seventies on began to construct same-sex issues as equality issues rather than morality issues, although some legacies remained, particularly in regard to the issue of a conscience vote. While it has been argued that countries with a strong social democratic ethos have tended to have more progressive views on issues of sexuality in recent years, there are troubling signs that issues of sexuality are still problematic for some social democratic parties internationally. Indeed, pursuing same-sex equality issues remained contentious for some Labor politicians who argued that same-sex rights were actually an ‘elite’ issue that alienated traditional Labor voters. While the chapter predominantly focuses on Australian material, international examples are given from other countries, including Germany, Britain, Spain and Romania.
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Notes
- 1.
Though on social liberal influences in support of women’s pensions, see Sawer (2012, pp. 71–86).
- 2.
For an argument about the role that the state plays in constructing heterosexuality, see Canaday (2009).
- 3.
Bill Hayden called a meeting of Labor MPs in November 1971 to discuss decriminalisation, which subsequently had to be cancelled after protests from the Labor Executive. Arthur Geitzelt and Moss Cass then organised for a cross party group to meet with support from John Gorton (Cass 1971). Hayden’s position seems to have been partly influenced by incidents he observed as a policeman and earlier in the navy, see Hayden (2013).
- 4.
The Communist Party of Australia (CPA)-influenced Builders Labourers Federation (NSW) temporarily banned work on the college in protest (see Burgmann 1993, p. 161). Interestingly, Gietzelt has more recently been accused of being a secret member of the CPA (see, for example, Bramston 2013a, p. 2; 2013b, p. 18) or at least of being close to CPA leaders. His position here may reflect the influence of more radical left arguments on Gietzelt’s thought, given that the CPA supported a coalition between the new social movements, including gay liberation, and the workers movement at the time.
- 5.
Robert Menzies College still has in its mission statement: “Encouraging learning and academic excellence, including Christian scholarship” and “Reaching people and teaching them to become mature followers of Christ” (Robert Menzies College 2018). For the ongoing debate on similar issues see, for example, O’Brien (2013) and Wong (2018).
- 6.
- 7.
Hayden also reaffirmed his own pride that he had been raising issues about discrimination regularly since the 1960s.
- 8.
In a far-reaching speech, Hayden (1995a, pp. 56–59, 70) also raised the issues of gay adoption, lesbian mothers, surrogacy and euthanasia.
- 9.
There do also appear to have been some (brief and non-legislative) precedents for recognising same-sex couples. Answering a question regarding the Australian Broadcasting Commission’s partial recognition of same-sex couples for partner entitlements, Duffy (1984, p. 1097) noted that the Commission’s position derived from a 1978 determination of the Public Service Board that, on equal opportunity principles, “benefits such as bereavement leave and removal and transfer allowances would be decided on a basis that did not discriminate between heterosexual and homosexual unmarried relationships”, a decision that later changed.
- 10.
See, for example, Labor Senator Chris Evans’ very similar response to the Democrat’s proposal that same-sex couples should be eligible for the independent youth allowance (Evans 2000, p. 13145).
- 11.
- 12.
Wong (2008, p. 6760) acknowledged the role of HREOC and of gay and lesbian activists and those “who have worked very hard to achieve the equality in Australia that is being provided for in this legislation”. The legislation was also supported by the post-Howard Liberal Party (Brandis 2008, p. 6686; Birmingham 2008, p. 6696).
- 13.
Unfortunately, for reasons of length, it is not possible to discuss Queer critiques of recognition of same-sex relationships, or of same-sex marriage in any length here. However, for an analysis which emphasises the power of normalisation in destabilising heteronormativity, as well as recognising some of its downsides, see Johnson (2013, pp. 242–253). See also Johnson and Mackie (forthcoming).
- 14.
- 15.
For a useful overview of the attitudes of various religions to homosexuality and the influence on jurisprudence, see Sands (2007).
- 16.
Wong considered herself bound by party discipline when the party opposed same-sex marriage and faced considerable personal criticism by some gay and lesbian activists as a result.
- 17.
Sections 126 and 127 of the Labor Platform committed the party to amending the Marriage Act “to ensure equal access to marriage under statute for all adult couples irrespective of sex who have a mutual commitment to a shared life”, but also such “amendments should ensure that nothing in the Marriage Act imposes an obligation on a minister of religion to solemnise any marriage”. However, the National Conference also resolved that “the matter of same sex marriage can be freely debated at any state or federal forum of the Australian Labor Party, but any decision reached is not binding on any member of the Party”. See the 46th National Platform (ALP 2011).
- 18.
The Coalition refers to the right-wing combination of the Liberal Party and the National Party.
- 19.
See, for example, Ferguson (1999, p. vi–vii) and the examples provided in Johnson (2000, pp. 49–50) where it is argued that such views also reflect conservative arguments, including by John Howard, that Labor was betraying “mainstream” voters to support elite, politically correct “special interests”.
- 20.
Senator Jacinta Collins replaced Olive Zakharov in the Senate. Zakharov was a supporter of same-sex issues and was killed by a car crossing St Kilda Rd after attending the Melbourne gay and lesbian Midsumma festival.
- 21.
Bob Brown was the openly gay Leader of the Greens.
- 22.
Bullock’s original speech was to the Catholic Dawson Society, see Dawson Society (2017). For religious conservatives, the argument regarding the betrayal of working class families also reflects National Civic Council leader BA Santamaria’s 1980s claim that Labor’s weakness, which should be exploited by the Liberal Party, lay in a split between the “family values” of its conventional working class base and the promiscuous lifestyles of the middle class professionals that Labor increasingly courted. See the account given by the then South Australian President of the National Civic Council, Wyld (2009), who subsequently stood unsuccessfully as a Liberal candidate in the 2014 South Australian state election.
- 23.
This is not to deny that, for example, a ‘women’s issue’, in the form of liberalising abortion laws, is also subject to a conscience vote (but because of arguments about the so-called rights of the unborn child).
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Johnson, C. (2019). Sexuality: From Morality to Equality. In: Social Democracy and the Crisis of Equality. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-6299-6_4
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