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Public–Private Partnerships, Corruption and Inefficiency

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Economics, Management and Sustainability

Abstract

The chapter examines the formation of public–private partnerships (PPPs), one of the most important organizational forms to evolve over the last few decades. In particular, we analyse a possibility that has been relatively under-analysed in the literature, namely the possibility of collusion between the private firm and the governmental department in case of PPP formation. The chapter first develops a simple formal model based on risk sharing that is capable of analysing this issue. It then shows that PPPs are more likely to form in case the externality gains out of the project are significant, and the agents are quite risk averse. Otherwise, PPP formation may lead to bribery and sub-optimal project choice, and the government may opt for government control instead.

This chapter draws on the authous’earlier work, Roy Chowdhury and Roy Chowdhury (2016).

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Much of the preceding discussion draws on the PPP database from the Department of External Affairs, Ministry of Finance.

  2. 2.

    In Andhra Pradesh prominent projects include the HITEC City, Hyderabad, RGI Airport, and the Krishnapatnam Port. Projects in the pipeline include Hyderabad metro rail project, bridge across Godavari at Rajahmundry, Machilipatnam port. The RGI airport, Hyderabad, partnered with the GMR group, handled 5.8 mn. domestic and 1.9 mn. international passengers in the financial year 2011. It boasts of the second longest runway in India, 146 check-in counters, and 46 immigration counters. It was rated the world’s best airport for Airport Service Quality (ASQ) in the 5–15 million passenger capacity in the financial year 2011.

  3. 3.

    These are beneficial in terms of time and cost savings, as well as risk sharing, since payments and penalties can be linked to performance.

  4. 4.

    BOT contracts can take various forms. These include (a) User fee-based BOTs, practiced in roads, ports airports, and energy, (b) Annuity-based BOTs, not meant for cost recovery through user charges (practiced in rural urban health education sectors)

  5. 5.

    Encouraged in the sectors which are constrained in terms of economic resources, e.g. water supply, sanitation, road maintenance, etc.

  6. 6.

    In the first year’s deductions amounted to 32 million, and bonuses were only about 12 million. Despite the delays Metronet had significant profits at higher than the market average rate, suggesting the penalties were not too large.

  7. 7.

    See, among others, Iossa and Martimort (2016).

  8. 8.

    There are other reasons of course, most notably synergy between the private and government sectors.

  9. 9.

    Note that our formulation abstracts from strategic interactions in project allocation. While lobbying for such projects is undoubtedly an important concern, the present formulation allows us to focus on the issue of potential corruption post PPP formation and not confound it with any possible corruption earlier.

  10. 10.

    We should flag that this is a serious assumption in that one of the primary reasons behind PPP formation is actually absolute advantages that the government department and the private firm may enjoy, creating a synergy in case of PPP formation. Again our justification is that this allows us to focus on the issue of potential corruption in PPPs without confounding issues.

  11. 11.

    It is possible that the cost of accessing capital is different for the government department and the private firm. However, we abstract from it for simplicity.

References

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Correspondence to Prabal Roy Chowdhury .

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Appendix: The London Metro PPP

Appendix: The London Metro PPP

Tubelines were awarded the Jubillee, the Northern and the Picadelly lines, while Metronet got (a) the Bakerloo, Central and Victoria, and (b) the District, Circle, Hammersmith and City lines. The negotiations were extremely complex, with the work being phased over 30 years. Tubelines and Metronet were to do the upgradation, while the London Underground Limited (LUL) was to provide the final services. In fact, the complexity of the contract meant that advisory services themselves cost 109 million pounds. Further, the delay in project allocation meant that the LUL had to provide substantial compensations to the various bidders, including the losers.

Broadly, the contract specified two aspects, risk allocation among the parties, and the payment mechanism. As to risk allocation, the demand risk was borne by LUL as they did the final service provision. The cost overrun risks were, however, shared, as the amount of cost overruns to be borne by the private companies were capped. This reduced the incentives for checking overruns, as is clear from the Metronet experience. Metronet’s incentive for checking costs overruns was not very strong, as Metronet’s shareholders were also suppliers of the consortium, so that any higher costs would translate into revenue for them! In fact Metronet had cost overruns four times that of expected costs. However, Tubelines which did not have such an interlinked structure incurred no cost overruns. Finally, financing risk was also shared. While financing was provided privately by the Infracos, the public sector-borne substantial risks via a debt guarantee entitling lenders to recoup 95% of their invested funds in case of early contract termination.

Turning to the payment mechanism, it involved basic Infrastructure Service Charge (ISC), combined with bonuses and deductions. Performance was measured in terms of journey time capability (JTC), i.e. the time needed for a train to complete a journey. Ambience and general conditions of trains were measured by consumer surveys.

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Chowdhury, I.R., Chowdhury, P.R. (2018). Public–Private Partnerships, Corruption and Inefficiency. In: Ray, P., Sarkar, R., Sen, A. (eds) Economics, Management and Sustainability. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-1894-8_4

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