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Bt Cotton and the Legitimation of Democracy

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Legitimation in a World at Risk
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Abstract

This chapter explores how the legitimation of democracy involves attempts to secure justice in the exercise of power with regard to redistribution, recognition and representation in the negotiation of risk. This is depicted using Habermas’ (Between facts and norms. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1996: 356) core-periphery model to illustrate the vital function of social movements within the legitimation process which is central to democratic political practice. The chapter examines how the attempt to legitimate Bt cotton is embedded within efforts to enhance democratic legitimacy at local, national and global levels. At the local level, the research investigates democratic practice in the villages and explores how this is mediated through village power relations. The chapter discusses the role of NGOs in the current study and argues that their activity serves to enhance the legitimacy of democratic practice.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    As mentioned in the previous chapter, Indira Gandhi served as Prime Minister of India over two terms for a total of 15 years (1966–1977 and 1980–1984). Between 1975 and 1977, she imposed Emergency rule on the country. During this time, democratic rights were suspended, and political opponents arrested. There was also a significant manipulation and by-passing of the institutions of government, with a subsequent damage to their legitimacy from which they have struggled to recover (Sharma 2010: 79).

  2. 2.

    During the research period, two protestors were killed by police during agitation against a power plant in Srikakulam in (pre-secession) Andhra Pradesh in 2010 (The Times of India, 15/07/2010).

  3. 3.

    Most notable during the research period was the high-profile scandal related to the 2G telecom scam and political corruption in the awarding of access services licences to telecommunications companies (Deccan Chronicle, 24/11/2010).

  4. 4.

    Nandi (2010: 37) notes that the word goonda denotes ‘people given to lawless acts, prone to violence and active especially during tumultuous occasions, like riots.’

  5. 5.

    Available at: http://parliamentofindia.nic.in/ls/debates/vol2p3.htm. Accessed on 26/3/2017.

  6. 6.

    Available at: http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/indian-democracy-today-is-stronger-in-the-minds-of-people-than-it-ever-was/1/283011.html. Accessed on 26/3/2017.

  7. 7.

    Forst (2007: 20) claims that justifications can be assessed for their normative validity in terms of ‘whether they can be upheld reciprocally (i.e., without some of the addressees claiming certain privileges and without one’s own needs or interests being projected onto others) and generally (i.e., without excluding the objections of anyone affected).’ This book argues that such assessments are conducted through a process of legitimation .

  8. 8.

    In 2008, 250 farmers and consumers protested in Hyderabad , the state capital, against GM crops. This was organised by GM Free Andhra Pradesh. Available at: http://www.i-sis.org.uk/gmProtestsIndia.php. Accessed on 3/4/2017.

  9. 9.

    On 9th August, 2011, 15 states across India launched protests organised by farmers’ unions and civic groups to protest against GM crops and the perceived corporate takeover of Indian agriculture. Available at: http://astm.lu/august-9th-declared-as-monsanto-quit-india-day/. Accessed on 26/3/2017.

  10. 10.

    The fact that resistance to GM crops extends beyond cultivators and the rural context is illustrated by the protest against GM crops involving 400 cities worldwide in the third global March against Monsanto in May, 2015. Available at: https://www.rt.com/news/261573-monsanto-global-protests-gmo/. Accessed on 26/3/2017.

  11. 11.

    Available at http://www.indianexpress.com/news/first-official-estimate-an-ngo-for-every-400-people-in-india/643302/. Accessed on 26/3/2017.

  12. 12.

    The PRI structure was inaugurated by Nehru in 1959 and revived in its second generation in 1978 by the Ashoka Mehta Committee . This followed an initially lacklustre implementation (Kumar 2006: 17). Following this revision, political parties were permitted to participate in panchayat elections (ibid.: 21).

  13. 13.

    At the next level up, the Mandal Parishad is responsible for the implementation of rural development programmes in association with the panchayats , co-operatives, voluntary organisations and other development institutions. And at the district level, the Zilla Parishad oversees and supports the performance of the Mandal Parishads through the collection of data, consolidation of development plans, supervision of budgets and distribution of funds. More details on the various duties associated with each level can be found in Jain (2006: 244–245).

  14. 14.

    This normative view of the role of the gram sabha with regard to risk assumes that villagers possess perfect self-awareness in relation to their relative risk exposure and that the most vulnerable are able to articulate this. This, of course, as the analysis explores is not the reality—hence, the significance of representation . This normative view also disregards village power relations and the role of village elites in manipulating the discourse on risk, an aspect which is explored in the research. Finally, the normative assumption that the state is capable of obtaining perfect information with regard to the risk exposure of each village, and has the political will, as well as the administrative infrastructure, to implement remedial action effectively, is problematic. This is due not only to the complexity of the context but also to the significant issues with political practice generally in India as noted in this chapter. The particular problems associated with the politics of the pre-secession state of Andhra Pradesh will be explored in Chap. 4.

  15. 15.

    Clause (6) of Section 243D of the 73rd Amendment noted that it was up to the discretion of individual states to make their own provisions concerning reservations for Backward Castes. Available at: http://indiacode.nic.in/coiweb/amend/amend73.htm Accessed on 26/3/2017.

  16. 16.

    Kumar’s (2006: 209) study explored gram sabha attendance in eight villages, two in each of the states of Madhya Pradesh, West Bengal, Maharashtra and Karnataka.

  17. 17.

    While the landless accounted for 61 per cent of attendees in the villages in Madhya Pradesh, they represented less than 20 per cent of the attendees in the villages in West Bengal, Maharashtra and Karnataka. Similarly, while 63 per cent of attendees in West Bengal were from the Scheduled Castes /Scheduled Tribes, upper castes dominated the meeting in Maharastra and Karnataka (75 and 68 per cent, respectively). This variability suggests support for the view expressed here that institutionalised democratic practice is determined by the way in which power is legitimated in the villages as a result of the numerical presence of particular castes, as well as their land-holding, and the approach to the exercise of power adopted by influential village leaders.

  18. 18.

    Toddy is an alcoholic beverage made from the sap of the palm tree.

  19. 19.

    The shift to a neoliberal approach in Andhra Pradesh followed structural adjustment undertaken as a result of borrowing from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) by the Indian government in 1991. The changed approach of both the central and federal governments as a result of conditionalities for IMF and World Bank borrowing involved the removal of barriers to globalised trade and the increased withdrawal of the state from public spending on welfare measures (Le Mons Walker 2008: 573; Kohli 2009: 39).

  20. 20.

    Biotechnology is a broad area which incorporates the development of edible vaccines for cholera, rabies and hepatitis B, as well as gene therapies for various genetic disorders (Sharma 2004: 741). It is recognised, however, that the development of GM crops is by far the most controversial area of research in this diverse field (ibid.).

  21. 21.

    Hyderabad was the capital city of the state of Andhra Pradesh prior to secession . It is a globally significant IT and biotechnology hub, attracting considerable foreign direct investment (Rajan 2006: 77–103). Its significance is evident in the conflict involved in determining which state it should rightfully be assigned to post-secession. It was eventually agreed that the city would serve as a joint capital for Telangana and the divided state of Andhra Pradesh for a period of not more than 10 years.

  22. 22.

    Available at http://www.cess.ac.in/cesshome/pdf/draft_approach_to_12th_plan_for_discussion.pdf. p. 1 Accessed on 26/3/2017.

  23. 23.

    Available at: http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/gdp-growth-sharply-down-at-6.5-per-cent-in-2011-12/1/198325.html. Accessed on 26/3/2017.

  24. 24.

    Available at: http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/andhra-pradesh/andhra-pradesh-leads-in-bringing-down-poverty/article4952012.ece. Accessed on 26/3/2017.

  25. 25.

    In 2006, the pre-secession Andhra Pradesh government launched the Indiramma (Integrated Novel Development in Rural Areas and Model Municipal Areas) initiative. This aimed to upgrade the houses of all of those who had ration cards and who lived in kacha houses (those made from mud with roofs of rice straw or other thatching materials).

  26. 26.

    At a national level, the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) was passed in 2006. The scheme is colloquially known as NREGS . It seeks to address rural risk exposure through providing at least 100 days of guaranteed wage employment to every household member who is capable of it, particularly when agricultural work is limited. The scheme has attracted criticism with claims of late payments and arguments that the increase in incomes in which it has resulted is leading to a rise in alcohol abuse among males in rural areas (Deccan Chronicle, 20/10/2010). Also: http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/nrega-benefits-are-mixed-oxford-study/article1-1146429.aspx. Accessed on 26/3/2017.

  27. 27.

    Under the terms of the Public Distribution System, households with an annual income of less than Rs 6000 are issued with white ration cards which entitle them to 5 kilograms of rice at two rupees per person per month from fair price shops. This is up to a ceiling of 20 kilograms. Pink card holders are entitled to rations at the same price up to a lower ceiling. Sugar, kerosene and cooking oil are also provided at subsidised rates. The PDS has been criticised for its inefficient targeting of the poor (Deb 2009: 70) and for its leakages and waste (Indrakanth 1997: 999). The PDS also notably requires access to cash, a commodity which is in very short supply among the extremely vulnerable.

  28. 28.

    Available at: http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/andhra-pradesh/andhra-pradesh-leads-in-bringing-down-poverty/article4952012.ece. Accessed on 26/3/2017.

  29. 29.

    Available at: http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/95-per-cent-below-poverty-line-andhra-pradesh/1/164651.html. Accessed on 26/3/2017.

  30. 30.

    Communism in India is characterised by a number of different groups with varying ideologies and approaches to the state. Among the most revolutionary are the CPI (Marxist-Leninist) and CPI (Maoist ) parties. The Communist Party India (M-L) was formed from a split in the Communist Party India (Marxist) in 1969 (Brass 1990: 299). The CPI (M-L) do not recognise the legitimacy of the state, arguing that it serves only as an instrument of ‘compradore-bureaucrat capitalism’ (Mohanty 1986: 253) and thus blocks a true democracy of the people. Party members seek agrarian revolution through violent class struggle and argue against US and Russian imperialism in India. The CPI (Maoist ) party was founded in 2004 through the merger of the CPI (M-L) People’s War and the Maoist Communist Centre of India (MCCI). Maoists are inspired by a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist ideology which aims to seize power from the state through protracted armed struggle. The CPI (Maoist ) party is designated as a terrorist organisation in India under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act. Given the particular presence of Maoists in Telangana, they will be discussed more fully in Chap. 4.

  31. 31.

    Available at: http://business.rediff.com/column/2010/apr/01/guest-bt-cotton-monsanto-is-back-in-courts-over-royalty.htm. Accessed on 27/3/2017.

  32. 32.

    Three varieties of Mahyco-Monsanto’s Bt cotton seeds were involved – Mech 12, Mech 162 and Mech 184.

  33. 33.

    Available at: http://www.global-sisterhood-network.org/content/view/705/76/. Accessed on 27/3/2017.

  34. 34.

    Available at: http://business.rediff.com/column/2010/apr/01/guest-bt-cotton-monsanto-is-back-in-courts-over-royalty.htm. Accessed on 27/3/2017.

  35. 35.

    Available at: http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/todays-paper/tp-agri-biz-and-commodity/monsanto-ap-govt-cross-swords-over-royalty-payment/article1731571.ece?ref=archive. Accessed on 27/3/2017.

  36. 36.

    Details of the act can be found at http://faolex.fao.org/docs/pdf/ind119055.pdf. Accessed on 27/3/2017.

  37. 37.

    Available at: http://pib.nic.in/newsite/erelease.aspx?relid=54255. Accessed on 27/3/2017.

  38. 38.

    Available at: http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/parliament-urged-to-pass-brai-seeds-bill/article2332299.ece. Accessed on 3/4/2017.

  39. 39.

    These protests have included fasts, mass rallies and public consultations. Available at: http://www.thehindu.com/sci-tech/agriculture/scientists-farmers-fast-to-protest-bt-brinjal/article97617.ece; http://www.i-sis.org.uk/gmProtestsIndia.php; http://www.esgindia.org/campaigns/press/say-no-bt-brinjal-say-no-release-genetic.html. All accessed on 27/3/2017.

  40. 40.

    Available at: http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:http://www.moef.nic.in/downloads/public-information/minister_REPORT.pdf&gws_rd=cr&ei=0KjGWKudLtOogAbDmqjAAQ. Accessed on 27/3/2017.

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Desmond, E.L. (2018). Bt Cotton and the Legitimation of Democracy. In: Legitimation in a World at Risk. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-6065-6_3

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