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Political Landscape and Parliamentary Development

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Abstract

This chapter traces the growth of the Bangladesh Parliament since its germination in British India up to the turn of the twenty-first century. After discussing its roots in British India and the Pakistan period, it analyzes the Parliament’s development in response to regime change and an evolving political landscape in Bangladesh since independence. In particular, it describes the Parliament’s position vis-à-vis the executive in both the parliamentary and presidential systems and under civilian autocracy and military authoritarianism in pre- and post-restoration periods. Since independence in 1971, Bangladesh has undergone ten parliamentary elections, six of which were held under party government and considered flawed, allegedly rigged, or suffering legitimacy crises. The post-restoration parliamentary elections since 1991, however, were fair, free, and highly contested for two decades. But the fact remains that despite receiving a popular mandate none of the four parliaments can be described as components of a full-fledged and properly functioning electoral democracy. And with the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution enacted in 2008 removing the NCG provision and parliamentary elections due in 2018, the country again faces the fundamental challenge of how to hold credible and participatory national elections. Despite the success of the four elections under NCGs, Parliament has never been a focal point for policy decision-making or a forum for debating national and international issues and resolving national crises through deliberations. Executive dominance is a colonial legacy that still persists in state affairs and continues to be one of the core obstacles to parliamentary institutionalization in Bangladesh. This chapter presents a brief portrait of Bangladesh’s efforts to make the transition to democracy, the constraints it encountered, and continues to encounter, in the institutionalization process, and the measures taken to overcome them.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The Montague Chelmsford Report (1918), cited by Norman D. Palmer, The Indian Political System, Boston: Houghton Miffin Company 1961: 48.

  2. 2.

    The British government, in an attempt to secure the support of the Indians in World War II, sent a mission in 1942 under the leadership of Sir Stafford Cripps, a cabinet minister, to offer a plan to set up an Indian Union within the British Commonwealth after the end of war. The plan proposed that a constituent assembly be elected by the provincial legislatures to negotiate a treaty with the British government to frame the future constitution of India. The mission made it clear that Indian states would be free to join the Indian Union with the right of secession from the union if they so desired. Indian Congress vehemently opposed the provision of the right to secede of any state from the Union. The Muslim League too rejected the Cripps Mission because the mission did not mention the right to establish Pakistan (Mohammad Shah, en.banglapedia.org).

  3. 3.

    Cabinet Mission Plan 1946 proposed a federal union for India comprising the Indian provinces and Indian states with very limited power (foreign affairs, defense, and communication) in the hands of the union government and maximum autonomy for the provincial governments. Individual provinces would be able to form regional unions to which they could surrender, by mutual agreement, some of the powers. The existing provincial assemblies were to be grouped into three sections while electing the constituent assembly: the Hindu majority provinces would constitute Section A and the Muslim majority provinces of the northwest and northeast (including Assam) would constitute Sections B and C. Although the Congress and the Muslim League initially accepted the plan, they eventually rejected it on the ground of disagreement as to how an interim government was to be constituted to convene a constituent assembly to frame a constitution. The Muslim League did welcome compulsory groupings that would help establish Pakistan while the Congress rejected the compulsory grouping as they thought it would contradict provincial autonomy. In response to Congress reaction to the compulsory groupings, the Muslim League withdrew its earlier acceptance of the long-term plan and called for direct action from 16 August to create Pakistan. Lord Wavell’s efforts to set up short-term coalition/interim government at the center also broke down. The British prime minister Attlee declared their intention to leave India by June 1948 resulting in the partition of India in August 1947 (Mohammad Shah, en.banglapedia.org).

  4. 4.

    Pakistan comprised of two parts—East Pakistan and West Pakistan—and had several provinces such as Punjab, Sind, Baluchistan, and North West Frontier province. After independence, the Pakistan government confronted the major challenge of making its first constitution. The new leaders of the different provinces were not guided by the spirit of compromise, accommodation, and consensus to resolve the deadlock. Rather, they were locked in acrimonious relations and reluctance due to the geographical, topographical, cultural, ethnic, and linguistic diversities between East Pakistan and West Pakistan.

  5. 5.

    A.S.M. Rab held “that any country achieving her independence though socialist movement or a liberation war constitutes a revolutionary government immediately after independence. And he reckoned that Bangladesh made an early mistake by allowing the AL to constitute a party government. It set the authoritarian trend and continues unabated in different shapes at different times (Independent Television, September 15, 2014).

  6. 6.

    ‘Sorbo Hara’ refers to a class of people who have nothing, i.e., they do not possess any personal belonging. It is a synonym of ‘have-not’—what Karl Marx called ‘proletariat’.

  7. 7.

    Muzammil was arrested by Major Nasser who took him to Dhaka civil administration for prosecution but was released within a couple of days after direct intervention from Sheikh Mujib. Mascarenhas argues that for Lt. Col. Farooq Rahman “this was not acceptable and he (Sheikh Mujib) must go. And Farooq wanted to kill him on that very day.” (Mascarenhas 2013: 48). However, Shaffayat Jamil (2016) argues in his book that Farooq Rahman made another attempt to overthrow the AL government in the late March of 1973 with the support of troops from the Comilla cantonment. That attempt failed because the troops did not show up.

  8. 8.

    “A member of Parliament shall vacate his seat – if he fails, within period of ninety days from the date of the first meeting of Parliament after his election” Article 67(1)(a).

  9. 9.

    Nazir Ahmed expands thus: “[The] Fifteenth amendment had shaken the entire constitution and put the whole nation into long term political uncertainty. The history will never forgive the prime minister of her double standards and misleading role which had put the nation in deep crisis and made the democracy in Bangladesh derailed. Government did not take any mandate from the people of Bangladesh” www.parisvisionnew.com

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Obaidullah, A.T.M. (2019). Political Landscape and Parliamentary Development. In: Institutionalization of the Parliament in Bangladesh. Palgrave Macmillan, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5317-7_2

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