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Devolved, Diverse, Distinct? Hunter-Gatherer Research in Borneo

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Part of the book series: Asia in Transition ((AT,volume 4))

Abstract

In this chapter, past and present research on Borneo hunter-gatherers is reviewed briefly, followed by a general discussion of the category referred to as the hunter-gatherers of Borneo, their presumed origin/s, their distinctiveness, or their inclusion in wider sociopolitical contexts. It is suggested that our descriptions, besides emphasising techno-economic factors, often emanate from rather simple dichotomies, where people and subsistence strategies are sorted into more or less ideal and homogenous types. Today, however, no simple picture of Borneo hunter-gatherers, past or present, can be put forward. Not only is our knowledge of hunter-gatherers in Borneo limited, it covers a very thin layer of time. Even though the huge data gap that exists between historic and prehistoric hunter-gatherers will never be bridged, present and future research in social or natural sciences (e.g. anthropology, archaeology, linguistics, palynology, paleobiology and genetics) will almost certainly generate an increasingly complex and ambiguous picture of Borneo hunter-gatherers, transcending any single grand theory and thereby reshaping and enriching our perception of the past, as well as the present.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The concept of hunter-gatherers is used in this chapter as a heuristic device. Although there are several alternative terms, with a similar meaning, frequently used in the Borneo literature, e.g. ‘nomads’, ‘foragers’ or even ‘forest dwellers’, the concept of hunter-gatherers is probably the most well known and widely used.

  2. 2.

    If we include the agricultural ‘Orang Batin Kubu’, or ‘Kubu jinak’ (tame Kubu), the overall population figures for Kubu would reach close to 20,000 people (Sager 2008: 11).

  3. 3.

    The Soach (i.e. former hunter-gatherers of Cambodia), are an intermediate category between Negrito and non-Negrito, according to David Bulbeck (2013: 96). For more information and additional references, see Peter Sercombe and Bernard Sellato (2007) and Robert L. Winzeler (2011).

  4. 4.

    According to Harmut Hildebrand, the earliest known sources describing Borneo hunter-gatherers appeared in 1790 and in 1814. The latter source is the first one mentioning the name ‘Punan’ (although misspelt as ‘Puman’).

  5. 5.

    For a more complete review of the literature on Borneo nomads, see Hildebrand (1982) and the introductory chapter to Sercombe and Sellato (2007).

  6. 6.

    As mentioned in an obituary in the Guardian on 16 January 2007, Needham (1921–1980) ‘placed an embargo on both his Oxford BLitt thesis and his DPhil thesis’. For a short summary of his thesis, see Needham (1972).

  7. 7.

    Johannes Nicolaisen (1921–1980) may have had the intention of writing a monograph on the Penan, but this was made impossible by his untimely death in 1980.

  8. 8.

    Tom Harrisson died in an accident in 1976, at the age of 65.

  9. 9.

    According to Huw Barton (2009), the economic return rates from sago palms (3600 kcal/h) are significantly higher than those from swidden rice fields (400–1500 kcal/h). In reference to the Kelabit, Barton states that ‘the point of growing rice is … to show exceptional ability. If they wanted only to survive, they could make sago or grow root crops’ (ibid.).

  10. 10.

    The Bukit of the Meratus range of South Kalimantan are not considered as belonging to the category of hunter-gatherers, although the question of their origins is enigmatic and ‘indeed an intriguing one’ (Sillander 2004: 40). In their marginality, however, they have very much in common with groups of hunter-gatherers in Borneo.

  11. 11.

    See also Rousseau (1990: 242), who mentions the enslavement of groups of hunter-gatherers in Borneo.

  12. 12.

    Eastern and Western Penan speak different dialects of the same language. Brosius (1988: 84) has described these two dialects as ‘significantly different’ but ‘mutually intelligible’.

  13. 13.

    The only languages spoken by groups of Borneo hunter-gatherers that do not contain the lexical items identified by Sellato are, as far as we know, those of the Eastern/Western Penan and the Punan Kelai/Segah. They are thus not part of this ‘old Punan linguistic entity’.

  14. 14.

    For more detail on the complex issue of the Negritos, see the special issue of Human Ecology (2013) 85(1/3), edited by Phillip Endicott. http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/human_biology/toc/hub.85.1-3.html.

  15. 15.

    The ideas presented by Stephen Oppenheimer are partly inspired by Wilhelm Solheim’s (1996, 2006) Nusantao maritime trading and communication network, a hypothesis that he developed 40 years ago, although modified and developed continuously since then.

  16. 16.

    The Kajang may have no historical tradition of ever having been nomadic (Brosius 1992: 56), but they are referred to as a ‘composite ethnic group’ by Sellato (1994a: 212), and an example of the historically common amalgamation of groups of hunter-gatherers and (non-stratified) horticulturalists: ‘The sharing of geographical space, of ancient ties, and probably of the same lingua franca, and the threat of common enemies contribute to the formation of an ethnic “melting pot” in which nomads and horticulturalists blend’ (ibid.).

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Kaskija, L. (2017). Devolved, Diverse, Distinct? Hunter-Gatherer Research in Borneo. In: King, V., Ibrahim, Z., Hassan, N. (eds) Borneo Studies in History, Society and Culture. Asia in Transition, vol 4. Springer, Singapore. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-0672-2_6

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-0672-2_6

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  • Publisher Name: Springer, Singapore

  • Print ISBN: 978-981-10-0671-5

  • Online ISBN: 978-981-10-0672-2

  • eBook Packages: Social SciencesSocial Sciences (R0)

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