Abstract
Stratified reproduction identifies the way that social and even biological reproduction is unevenly distributed across populations. In this chapter I discuss how reproduction is stratified, and briefly analyze some examples of such reproduction. I then use the lens of stratified reproduction to suggest how this field of work connects to demography. Stratified reproduction is important in its own right, maybe especially so in this day of increasing assisted reproductive technologies. But stratified reproduction is also “good to think with” and provides insights about the work of demography, particularly demography's assumptions about individuals, about choice, gender, and the neoliberal world.
Thanks to Jan Brunson for comments on this chapter. And to students, faculty, and staff at Pennsylvania State University for their feedback.
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Notes
- 1.
Many use the terms reproduction and fertility interchangeably, and certainly, they can cover the same territory. But fertility, at least in demography, is sometimes defined fairly narrowly. For example, the Population Reference Bureau provides this definition of fertility: “the actual reproductive performance of an individual, a couple, a group, or a population. See general fertility rate” (PRB n.d.). And the PRB glossary does not even define reproduction, suggesting how it it not often used in demography. It is partly to signal my intention to include elements outside the usual range of demographic research that I primarily use “reproduction” in this chapter, although my decision also comes because of the large literature (outside demography) that uses the term “reproduction” rather than “fertility.”
- 2.
Drawing from Althusser and Gramsci, Inhorn defines ideologies in a useful way for this discussion, as “articulating principles that organize beliefs, behaviors and social relationships and influence the lived experiences and meaning making of thinking subjects” (Inhorn 1996: 19).
- 3.
Because of the uncertainties, obstacles, and costs, Inhorn and Patrizio have argued against the phrase “fertility/reproductive tourism;” they argue such a term suggests an ease and casualness to a process and effort that is often intense and difficult (Inhorn and Patrizio 2009).
- 4.
Declines in transnational adoptions are not always about fewer children who might be adopted but are often a result of a country’s determination to stop foreign adoptions and care for abandoned or orphaned children in their own country.
- 5.
In intracytoplasmic sperm injection, a single sperm is injected into an egg and then the fertilized egg is implanted into the uterus.
- 6.
In vitro fertilization, a commonly used form of ART.
- 7.
Thus, the transnational adoption of a child from a poor to a rich country might allow that child a higher standard of living. But such adoption does not change the circumstances that made the child available for adoption in the first place.
- 8.
The questions raised here are related to those discussed by Schröder-Butterfill et al. in their chapter in this volume (Chap. 17); they argue that survey data often misses the messiness and regular changes in family connections and support, and even how a family or household is defined.
- 9.
Morgan and Roberts (2012: 241) define reproductive governance as “the mechanisms through which different historical configurations of actors – such as state, religious, and international financial institutions, NGOs, and social movements – use legislative controls, economic inducements, moral injunctions, direct coercion, and ethical incitements to produce, monitor, and control reproductive behaviours and population practices.”
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Riley, N.E. (2018). Stratified Reproduction. In: Riley, N., Brunson, J. (eds) International Handbook on Gender and Demographic Processes. International Handbooks of Population, vol 8. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1290-1_9
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