Abstract
No matter how taxonomic and vegetational classifications were justified, whether by distributional laws or by latitude, they become trivial once we look at how plant and animal geographers divided up the natural world as areas. Rather than mapping or analysing distributions, distributional laws help explain why they are there. In other words, regionalisation is about distribution and not about distributional laws and theories.
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Notes
- 1.
Hofsten has a seemingly presentist take of Zimmermann’s map: “I can only discuss general principles and conclusions here; if one disregards all outdated explanations and emphasises the important viewpoints of today, his map may be summarised as follows: distribution is controlled by climate” (Hofsten 1916, p. 253, my translation). Hofsten conclusions may appeal to a presentist perspective of eighteenth century animal geography, however, the interpretations of Schmithüsen (1985) and Feuerstein-Herz (2004) are, in my view, historically accurate.
- 2.
The original reads: “Dieser Versuch einer zoologischen Weltcharte zeigt nicht nur auf einen Blick, wie viel Quadrupeden bis jetzt uns bekannt sind, sondern sie bestimmt jeder Art ihren Wohnplaz [sic]. Sie kann daher den Zoologen in so weit als ein Hülfsmittel dienen, ein Thier sogleich in seinem Vaterland aufzufinden” (Zimmermann 1783, p. 3).
- 3.
Throughout Zimmermann’s three volume Geographische Geschichte des Menschen, und der allgemein Verbreiteten Vierfüßigen Thiere (Zimmermann 1778–1783), the misspelt “Wohnplaz” appears in the first two volumes, while “Wohnplatz” only appears in volume three. The latter usage is correct in modern German and is used herein.
- 4.
The original reads “So genau kann man aber keiner Thierart die Grenze ihres Wohnplazes vorzeichnen, daß man die Summe von Quadratmeilen, binnen welcher sie nur leben, angeben wollte. Nach den Graden der geographischen Länge und Breite läßt sich dies mit geringerer Unbestimmtheit thun” (Zimmermann 1780, p. 3).
- 5.
A year after Zimmerman’s Tabula mundi, Danish entomologist Johan Christian Fabricius published his Philosophica Entomologica (Fabricius 1778). In it, Fabricius divides the world into eight climatic regions “from which the Stations of insects are judged” (Fabricius 1778, p. 154). The eight regions – 1. Indian, 2. Egyptian, 3. Austral, 4. Mediterranean, 5. Boreal, 6. Oriental, 7. Occidental and, 8. Alpine – differ from Zimmerman’s regions as they are climatic, however, each region is described by country (i.e., “Boreal, Europe between Lapland and Paris”). Fabricius unfortunately did not produce a map. French zoologist Pierre André Latreille, however, considered Fabricius’ regions arbitrary: “Ce simple exposé suffit pour nous convaincre qu’il y a dans ces divisons beaucoup d’arbitraire” (Latreille 1815, pp. 40–41), described by Belgian entomologist Jean Théodore Lacordaire as “une autre division beaucoup meilleure” (Lacordaire 1834, p. 600).
- 6.
Zimmermann did include the most northerly and southerly limits of camels, reindeer, moose and elephants. Had he dared encapsulate these, he would have possibly produced the first ever area polygon delimiting the distribution of genera.
- 7.
Buffon suggested that the tiger lives in the same lands [contrées] as the elephant and rhinoceros (Buffon 1761, p. 131). To the modern biogeographer this may conjure up a scene from Monty Python’s Meaning of Life: “A tiger? In Africa?”
- 8.
The original reads: “Carte Géographique de la Nature. Ou disposition Naturelle des Minéraux Végétaux &c observée en Vivarais”. Vivarais is a traditional region in the south-east of France.
- 9.
Güttler claims, “for early plant geographers, the distribution borders of crops gave an indication of how wild plants might also be distributed in space” (Güttler 2015, p. 30). While this is certainly true for Giraud Soulavie and Caldas, who mapped cultivated plants, however it is not true for Humboldt or A.P. de Candolle.
- 10.
Appel thinks not. There has been some controversy whether Humboldt stole Caldas’ ideas (Serje 2004). Jackson (2009), however, refutes this claim based on Humboldt’s earlier work and his reading of Ramond de Carbonnières (1798) (Jackson 2009, p. 13, footnote 20 & p. 246). I am inclined to disagree. Humboldt’s earlier work was merely a preamble to a geography of plants and did not include a methodology, certainly not a phytogeographical profile. Humboldt’s Tableau and Caldas’ phytogeographical profile are too similar in their construction (and aim) to be of coincidence. However, one could argue that idea of a phytogeographical profile had universal appeal, as Giraud Soulavie’s cross section shows.
- 11.
It is also worth noting that A.P. de Candolle, Wahlenberg and Schouw had a critic, botanist Hewett C. Watson, famous for his Cybele Britannica (Watson 1847–1859). Watson did not believe in natural plant areas “nature does not admit of precise boundary lines” (Watson 1836, p. 21; see also Güttler 2015) and preferred plant geographers to map single taxon distributions. Moreover, Watson was critical of the maps produced by A.P. de Candolle, Wahlenberg and Schouw, which he claimed, “do not exhibit the name of a single plant” (Watson 1836, p. 18), even though his own map The distribution of British Plants (Watson 1847) did not contain any plant names.
- 12.
Berghaus however uses Humboldt’s phytogeographical profile to depict Tenerife, Andes and the Himalayas in his Umrisse Der Pflanzengeographie in the fifth volume of his Physikalischer Atlas (Berghaus 1838).
- 13.
- 14.
Latreille, however, also attempted a natural classification: “[b]y ‘method’ he and his contemporary naturalists mean the apparent tabulated results of a classification, whatever the approach leading to such a statement. For Latreille this method has to be natural” (Dupuis 1974, p. 7). I am not sure whether this constitutes as a natural method. The “philosophical” musings of de Candolle (1813) and Swainson (1835) did see a dramatic shift toward natural classification, one that had revolutionised systematics by the end of the nineteenth century (see Williams and Ebach 2008).
- 15.
Karl Ritter’s Sechs Karten Von Europa (Ritter 1806), contains a phytogeographical and map titled Tafel der wildwachsenden Bäume und Sträuche in Europa and Tafel über die Verbreitung der gezähmten und wilden Saugetiere in Europa respectively. Unlike the maps of Berghaus, Ritter’s maps of wild trees and shrubs and mammals of Europe were very basic, resembling that of Zimmermann (see Camerini 1993b, p. 486), from which Ritter’s method was mostly likely derived (see Engelmann 1966, pp. 109–110).
- 16.
The original reads “Die Zoologische Geographie lässt sich von zwei Hauptgesichtspunkten betrachten. Sie kann 1. die frage aufwerfen, durch welche Ordnungen, Familien, Geschlechter, ja Gattungen der verschiedenen Tierklassen ein jeder der grösseren Abschnitte der Landfläche und des Ocean charakterisiert ist; order sie wirft; 2. die Frage auf, wie die Tiere einer jeden Klasse in die verschiedenen Zonen und Regionen der Erde verteilt sind, indem bald eine ganze Ordnung, bald ein einzelnes Geschlecht, oder gar eine einzelne Gattung zur Betrachtung gezogen wird.” (Berghaus 1851, p. 1, written in modern German).
- 17.
The sub-title of the Physical Atlas also refers to the distinction between both Verteilung and Verbreitung: “On the main occurrence of inorganic and organic nature according to their geographical distribution and division as depicted [in maps]”. Berghaus called the practise of Verteilung “allgemeine zoologichen Geographie” and the practise of Verbreitung “specielle zoologische Geographie” (Berghaus 1851, pp. 1–2). Camerini (1993b, 502) calls this “General” and “Special” zoogeography respectively.
- 18.
Berghaus (1851) states that maps were created in the winter of 1843–1844, however the statistics (percentages of distribution) was added later in November 1850.
- 19.
There was much support for Forbes and his work on Homoiozoic belts “… Forbes’ views, to show how profoundly he was impressed with the belief that geographical and climatal conditions were all-powerful controllers of the migrations animals and plants. Forbes was the reformer of the science of geographical distribution” (Hooker 1881, p. 446).
- 20.
Forbes also included a cross-section “Comparative extent of the regions of depth in the Aegean Sea”, which is analogous to the phytogeographical profiles of eighteenth century naturalists.
- 21.
Interesting to note that in Berghaus (1845), the map titled Der Indische Archipelagus nach Sal.[Salomon] Müller actually shows an early line separating the Australasian and Sunda faunas. This predates Wallace’s Line (Wallace 1863) by 14 years (see Camerini 1993a, b). Berghaus (1845) points this out clearly: “There is nowhere on the face of the Earth where your find a large difference between animals over a such a short distance as you do in the Indian Archipelago. Although the islands between Java and New Guinea have about the same climate, and many island lie so close to another and are separated by narrow straits, almost every island has its own endemic genera” (Berghaus 1845, p. 24). Interestingly the line drawn by Berghaus is based on the percentages of genera on either side. Unusually, if Berghaus had used this approach in his other maps, he may have drawn natural areas based on distinct biogeographical boundaries. What is not clear is why the division runs straight through Timor, given that each of the islands are treated as separate areas.
- 22.
Dismissing historical processes as valid geographical drivers of modern day distributions did irritate prominent nineteenth century practitioners of plant geography, such as English botanist William Turner Thiselton-Dyer: “At any rate, whatever direction our speculations take, the Australian flora seems to give little support to those who, like Grisebach, ignore the influence of geological change and explain plant-distribution exclusively from the phenomena of climate” (Thiselton-Dyer 1878, pp. 428–429).
- 23.
Original reads “Erst die Zukunft kann den Schleier heben, welcher noch manche Teile derselben bedeckt” Jordan (1883).
- 24.
The original reads: “Die Vegetationsformen sind biologisch aufzufassen und vom eigentlichen (natürlich-morphologischen) System des Pflanzenreiches, welches zugleich den von der Wissenschaft den Pflanzenarten zuerteilen Namen anzeigt, getrennt zu halten. Indem man sie wiederum zu höheren Einheiten vereinigt, kommt man zum Begriffe der ‘Vegetationsklassen’; es führen also diese Betrachtungen schliesslich zur Aufstellung eines eigenen, biologischen Systems” (Drude 1890, p. 62).
- 25.
Scientists seemingly despair of the period after 1880: “The late 1800’s are often considered a rather sterile period in the history of biogeography because workers were engaged in debates about the borders of regions, a descriptive endeavour […] Actual analyses of biogeographical concepts in the 1880’s appear to be lacking, however. Thus von Hofsten [1916] and Schmidt (1955) remained silent on that period” (Vuilleumier 1988, p. 19). Vuilleumier’s view (similar to that of Nelson 1978) was that “biogeography after was largely influenced by Darwin’s work, but then so was all of biological thought” (Vuilleumier 1988, p. 19). Compare the view of Vuilleumier (1988) with that of Good (1955): “The work of Drude, however, is more generally known from his Handhuch der Pflanzengeographie, which appeared in 1890 and contained among other things an improved floristic classification. This, however, though an important book, said little that was entirely new and gives the impression rather of belonging to the end of an epoch. […] Thus it would seem that by the eighteen-nineties the forward urge provided by Darwinism had begun to work itself out and that some new impulse was due. This came in the form of a concentration upon the relation between the plant and its immediate environment or habitat, a new approach or point of view to which was given the name ‘plant ecology,’ or ‘oecology,’ as it was first spelled. The first principles of this new discipline, which, as we shall see, has since become the sister of the older plant geography in the stricter sense …” (Good 1955, p. 751, original italics).
- 26.
“We reject the term ‘Nearctic’ proposed by Mr. P. L. Sclater, and adopted by Mr. A. R. Wallace, for America north of Central America, for the reason that it seems to us an unnatural and artificial term […] It is to be hoped that the term will not be adopted by American writers, as it is not by German and French writers, and we heartily endorse Mr. J. A. Allen's protest against the use of the term by American writers on this subject” (Packard 1883, p. 363, also in Allen 1892, p. 212, footnote 1).
- 27.
Theodore Gill (1885) provides great summary of the differences between the areas of Wallace and Allen. For the most part, Allen used isothermal lines, altitude and other geographical measurements to determine areas, hence the detail. Wallace merely focused on certain mammal distribution that he thought were important in determining regions.
- 28.
The regions of Allen (1892) were redundant by the mid twentieth century. Merriam’s life-zones however are still in use in the twenty-first century ecology.
- 29.
- 30.
Cowles considered taxonomic practises outside of ecology to be artificial: “Taxonomy must be scientific. It must require for its devotees a training as rigid as that required by professional workers in morphology, physiology or ecology. Species-making by taxonomic tyros must be abandoned […] These things will not, be endured much longer; a little more and the sinning taxonomists will be cast out into the outer darkness where there shall be wailing and gnashing of teeth” (Cowles 1908, pp. 270–271).
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Ebach, M.C. (2015). Plant and Animal Geography in Practise: Maps, Regions and Regionalisation. In: Origins of Biogeography. History, Philosophy and Theory of the Life Sciences, vol 13. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-9999-7_5
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