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Literature and Ethics: Learning to Read with Emma Bovary

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Abstract

Gustave Flaubert’s first novel Madame Bovary—now considered one of the most significant novels of the nineteenth century—is a relatively straightforward story about a small-town adulteress who lives beyond her means, and eventually kills herself when her debts become unmanageable. At its time of publication the book was considered scandalous and subversive: Emma Bovary is a creature of desire, a married woman who undermines the sanctity of marriage. While the novel observes realistic conventions, it also provides a coded account of the end of Romanticism itself, revealing more about the percipient Flaubert than even he knew: his letters suggest a writer nauseated by his own creation, a woman of limited intelligence and incoherent taste to whom he nonetheless extends sympathy and pity. What is remarkable about the novel is that Flaubert—who was very much a ‘moraliste’ regarding his own society, which he regarded as hypocritical and hollow—refused to sit in judgement on Emma Bovary. Her longing for tawdry ideals, men other than her husband who might be worthy of love, and for “what had looked so beautiful in books” suggests why, like Cervantes’ classic Don Quixote, Madame Bovary is also a novel about an imagination distorted by what it has read: it is both modern and old-fashioned in exploring the ethics of reading itself. What seems a solution for its main character in the boredom and eroticism of her provincial life is actually part of her problem. Emma wants to be a character in a world that only recognises her as a type. And her very modern way of being a character is to consume: her palpable sacrifice to her ‘ideals’ is held over to the end of the novel even as she learns how to make ever more sophisticated statements about who she is. Until it is no longer possible to defer payment on the dream.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    “Outrage à la morale publique et religieuse ou aux bonnes mœurs”: Flaubert’s correspondence around the time of his trial is gathered in its entirety in volume II of his Correspondance, published in the Pléiade edition [11], and abridged in translation in Steegmuller’s indispensable book, The Letters of Gustave Flaubert [12, pp. 217–235]; see also Florence Vatan’s reception history in Pensée morale et genre litteraire [5, pp. 139–157].

  2. 2.

    Letter to his brother Achille, c. 20 January 1857.

  3. 3.

    Letter to Edmond Pagnerre, 31 December 1856.

  4. 4.

    Letter to Ernest Chevalier, 24 February 1839: even at this young age Flaubert seems to have sensed it would be his life’s calling to “épater les bourgeois” (shock the bourgeois), irrespective of the fact that he was an arch-bourgeois himself, not least in socio-economic terms. It is as well to remember however that Flaubert, like all artists, had an investment in a unified culture; and that only a decadent civilisation could possible consider it the function of social institutions to foster subversion.

  5. 5.

    Letter to Louise Colet, 12 October 1853 (my translation): this attitude would be taken to its logical conclusion in Emile Zola’s project of the ‘experimental novel,’ around 1890, in which the experimentation is meant to be taken straight. But this assumption hides a morality of its own, as I suggest in the Conclusion. Zola’s mistake was to think that as a novelist he was contributing to science rather than the more diffuse activity called ‘literature.’

  6. 6.

    Letter to the Princess Mathilde, 1 July 1872.

  7. 7.

    Le Dictionnaire des Idées Reçus was published posthumously, in 1911. Its aphoristic form brings it squarely within the French moraliste tradition, which is conventionally dated from the publication of Montaigne’s Essays in 1580, and can be either digressive, as in Montaigne or Voltaire’s writings, or pithy and lapidary, as in the maxims of Rochefoucauld or Chamfort.

  8. 8.

    It is not without interest that the first two translations of Madame Bovary into English were by women: the first (unpublished) was made by the English governess of Flaubert’s niece Caroline, Juliet Herbert, and the second (published, in 1886) by Karl Marx’s daughter Eleanor, who was herself to die, like Emma, of self-poisoning. As discussed by Julian Barnes in his long essay-review, Madame Bovary is the most retranslated novel in English, appearing most recently in a reworked version by the American novelist Lydia Davis (2010) of which Barnes is not uncritical [1].

  9. 9.

    Diderot’s important essay ‘Eloge de Richardson’ first appeared in Journal étranger, 1762.

  10. 10.

    The title of Jean-Jacques Weiss’s contemporary review [20, p. 1].

  11. 11.

    Letter to Mademoiselle Leroyer de Chantepie, 18 March 1857.

  12. 12.

    Letter to Louise Colet, 15 January 1854.

  13. 13.

    Letter to Louise Colet, 27 February 1853 (my translation).

  14. 14.

    Flaubert is significantly absent in Martha Nussbaum’s magisterial Love’s Knowledge, although her remarks on Henry James’s way of being responsible to his created story (The Golden Bowl), even when its characters are ungovernable “in the old plastic, irresponsible sense”, and the reader’s way of responding to the text are germane to my argument: “We notice the way we are inclined to miss things, to pass over things, to leave out certain interpretative possibilities while pursuing others” [14, p. 144].

  15. 15.

    Anybody who encounters Flaubert’s last book The Temptation of St Anthony (1874) will have no difficulty at all accepting his contention that he was not a realist: seven dramatic tableaux present a night of ordeals in the life of the fourth-century anchorite Saint Anthony, who withdrew from society to live a life of prayer in the desert. Flaubert was obsessed with this Christian anchorite, completing drafts of his book in 1849, 1856 and 1872 before final publication. Flaubert though it was a masterpiece; it was a critical disaster. The spectacle of a saint tempted by false beliefs and worldly treasures is of course wildly suggestive in terms of Flaubert’s own career—“Saint Antoine, c’est moi!” is what he ought to have said about himself.

  16. 16.

    Letter to Mademoiselle Leroyer de Chantepie, 12 December 1857.

  17. 17.

    Asked in an interview by Georges-Elia Sarfati what the phrase ‘ethics and writing’ suggested to him, the contemporary French philosopher Alain Finkielkraut replied: “Off the cuff, I’d say ethics consists of not falling into the idolatry of writing” [16, p. 72].

  18. 18.

    Letter to Louise Colet, 22 April 1854 (my translation).

  19. 19.

    Letter to Louise Colet, 26 August 1853.

  20. 20.

    The quote is from Mario Vargas Llosa’s The Perpetual Orgy (La orgia perpetua: Flaubert y Madame Bovary), first published in 1975 and published in English (translator Helen Lane) in 1986.

  21. 21.

    A notion which the Argentinian writer Jorge Luis Borges (1899–1986) somewhat impishly took to a logical extreme: if the public process of becoming a writer is increasingly absorbed by rites of expressiveness, celebrity cults and the imperious demands of the market (defined above as ‘idolatry’), then reading is actually the more radical activity. Good readers are more rare than good authors.

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Correspondence to Iain Bamforth .

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Bamforth, I. (2014). Literature and Ethics: Learning to Read with Emma Bovary. In: Macneill, P. (eds) Ethics and the Arts. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-8816-8_2

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