Abstract
The Xunzi was transmitted to Japan as early as the ninth century. However, prior to the Edo period (1603–1867), few people had read the Xunzi. It was not until the early part of the eighteenth century that Japanese studies of Xunzi began to flourish, namely when an important thinker in the intellectual history of the Edo period, Ogyū Sorai 狄生徂徠 (1666–1728), carefully read and commented on the Xunzi. Furthermore, with respect to Japanese intellectual history, Sorai’s own thinking was also stimulated by the Xunzi. Others, ranging from Edo-period Confucians after Sorai down to recent researchers, have especially emphasized this point, and have believed that Sorai’s thought is just a sort of extension of Xunzi’s thought. With regard to this view, the present essay adopts a relatively reserved attitude, however. To speak of its conclusion first, this essay judges that one cannot say that Sorai’s thought is just a sort of Edo-period extension of Xunzi’s thought, but rather it is the case that, based on “Ming dynasty knowledge” and under the guidance of the methodology of kobunjigaku / guwencixue 古文辭學 (“the study of ancient words and phrases”), Sorai uses the Xunzi to reconstruct “the Way of the sages.” The Xunzi is thus indeed an important text that stimulates Sorai’s thought, but there are many intellectual differences between Sorai and Xunzi that need to be clarified. This essay will focus on discussing these questions. Subsequently, based on this study, it will discuss the development of scholarship on Xunzi in Edo Japan after Sorai.
Editor’s note: the present text is a translation by Eric L. Hutton of an essay by Lan Hung-Yueh 藍弘岳 that was originally written in Chinese for this volume.
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Notes
- 1.
This can be seen from the Nihonkoku genzaishomokuroku 日本國見在書目録 (Catalog of Books Extant in Japan) compiled by Fujiwara no Sukeyo 藤原佐世 during the Kanpyō 寬平 years (889–897). See Kitada 1941: 3.
- 2.
See Kitada 1941: 4.
- 3.
In the Hanazonoin Tennō Shinki 花園院天皇宸記 (Diary of the Cloistered Emperor Hanazono), there is a relevant record that Emperor Hanazono had read Xunzi. See Kitada 1941: 5.
- 4.
See Kitada 1941: 10–20. [Translator’s note: gozan 五山 refers to five important Zen monasteries (lit. “Five Mountains”) where Japanese monks during medieval times were highly interested in Chinese culture and produced writings substantially influenced by Chinese texts.]
- 5.
- 6.
As used in this essay, the term “Ming dynasty knowledge” refers to various Ming dynasty Chinese-published books, and the intellectual content therein, that pertained to Chinese classics, histories, masters, and belles-lettres.
- 7.
[Translator’s note: In this essay, when romanizations are given for both Japanese and Chinese pronunciations of terms, the Japanese pronunciation is always given first. Where only one romanization is given, it may be Japanese or Chinese, depending on what is most fitting for the particular case.]
- 8.
See Kurozumi 2003: 109–18.
- 9.
Ogyū Sorai’s Doku Junshi often cites Fang Yizhi’s Tongya (see Ogyū, Doku Junshi 1941: 3, 5, 6, 9, 22, 26, 42, 48, 63, 64, 160, etc.). Also, there is a book, Xunzi Pingdian 荀子評點 (Xunzi, Annotated and Punctuated), co-authored by Sun Kuang and Zhong Xing 鐘惺 (1574–1625), and it may be that this book is the source for the quotations of Sun Kuang’s remarks in Sorai’s Doku Junshi (see Ogyū, Doku Junshi 1941: 11, 32, 39, 42, 77, 79, 172, 236, etc.). Furthermore, Gui Youguang and Wen Zhenmeng 文震孟 (1574–1636) have a co-authored book, Xunzi Huihan 荀子彙函 (Collected Writings on Xunzi), which Sorai cites (see Ogyū, Doku Junshi 1941: 201, 245).
- 10.
Sorai says: “In my middle age, I obtained the literary collections of Li Yulin 李于鱗 [Li Panlong 李攀龍, 1514–1570] and Wang Yuanmei 王元美 [Wang Shizhen 王世貞, 1526–1590] with the intention of reading them, but they were so full of many ancient words that I was unable to read them. At that point I became determined to read the ancient books and swore that my eyes would not look at anything from the Eastern Han on down, just as Mister Yulin instructs, for about a year. I began with the Six Classics and finished with the Western Han, ‘repeating this over and over again.’ After a while I became so familiar with the texts that it was ‘beyond what is spoken from the mouth.’ The meanings in the texts lit up each other, and I no longer needed commentaries” (Ogyū 1985a). [Translator’s note: Here Sorai quotes two ancient texts, first the Shuoyuan and then the Documents, thereby displaying the very familiarity of which he speaks.]
- 11.
See Sugimoto 1966: 89–91.
- 12.
See Kitada 1941: 179–84.
- 13.
See Kitada 1941: 178.
- 14.
For Sorai’s own handwritten edition of the Doku Junshi, see Ogyū 1941.
- 15.
[Translator’s note: the term gi/yi 義 can have several different senses. It can denote (1) the “meaning” of a term or statement, but (2) it can also refer to an ethical norm or standard, e.g., what is “right,” or (3) a virtue based on this, leading to the common translation of gi/yi as “righteousness.” Sorai’s use of the word most often seems to play on a fusion of the first two uses, and I have rendered it here as “principle(s)” in order to capture that aspect of Sorai’s particular way of using it and in order to translate it consistently here. In order to distinguish this term in the translation from another word, 理 ri/li , which is commonly translated as “principle” in discussions of Neo-Confucian views and which also appears in some of the quotes from Sorai here, I render the latter term with an initial capital as “Principle(s).”]
- 16.
Ogyū Sorai, from the first article in “Notices to the Collection—Six Articles” (雋例六則) in Shikazen 四家雋 (Collection of Literary Gems by Four Masters), from the rare edition held in the University of Tokyo Library.
- 17.
[Translator’s note: In context, Sorai applies this label to Xunzi based on the idea that Xunzi shares with Zisi and Mengzi the same project of defending the Way of the sages, but regards their approach as mistaken, and in seeking to rectify their error, Xunzi is behaving as a loyal minister does toward his lord, according to Confucian ideals. See Lidin 1970: 6n25.]
- 18.
At about the same period, in addition to the Doku Junshi, Sorai also wrote a Doku Kanpishi 讀韓非子 (Reading Han Feizi), Doku Ryoshishunjū 讀呂氏春秋 (Reading the Lüshi Chunqiu), and other such books (see Hattori 1988).
- 19.
[Translator’s note: see footnote 16 above for an explanation of the distinction between “principle” and “Principle” here.]
- 20.
[Translator’s note: The discussion of this paragraph presumes thorough familiarity with Analects 13.3. For the reader’s convenience, here is a translation, modified from Slingerland 2003:
Zilu asked, “If the Duke of Wei [i.e., Duke Chu of Wei, who assumed the throne after his grandfather died and prevented his father from ruling] were to employ you to serve in the government, what would be your first priority?”
The Master answered, “It would, of course, be to correct naming.”
Zilu said, “Could you, Master, really be so far off the mark? Why worry about correct naming?”
The Master replied, “How boorish you are, Zilu! When it comes to matters that he does not understand, the gentleman should remain silent. If naming is not correct, speech will not accord with reality, and things will not be successfully accomplished. When things are not successfully accomplished, rituals and music will fail to flourish; when rituals and music fail to flourish, punishments and penalties will miss the mark. And when punishments and penalties miss the mark, the common people will be at a loss as to what to do with themselves. This is why the gentleman only applies names that can be properly spoken and assures that what he says can be properly put into action. The gentleman simply guards against arbitrariness in his speech. That is all there is to it.”]
- 21.
For more on Sorai’s view of filial piety, see below in the main text, p. 487.
- 22.
Sorai says, “[Xunzi says,] ‘When names were fixed, the corresponding objects were thus distinguished. This way was followed, and [the kings’] intentions were thus made understood. They then carefully led the people to adhere to these things single-mindedly’[HKCS 22/108/4, H 236.29–33]—this is saying that only after names are set can their objects be distinguished. Only after their objects are distinguished can the Way proceed and intentions be communicated. And so a true king carefully unifies his names in order to lead his people” (Ogyū, Doku Junshi 1941: 173).
- 23.
- 24.
See Sugamoto 1991: 18.
- 25.
See Sato 2013: 31–32.
- 26.
See Uchiyama 1999: 83–86.
- 27.
However, in other places Xunzi says things such as: “If you are devoted to the one right thing and do not depart from it, then you will connect with spirit intelligences and take your place in the triad with Heaven and Earth” (HKCS 8/34/2, H 65.487–89); “When [a sage king] inhabits the palace, he is like a supreme spirit, and when he is on the move, he is like Heavenly Shang Di” (HKCS 18/87/2, H 193.334–35); and “At the sacrifices, one respectfully serves [people’s] spirits” (HKCS 19/95/16–17, H 212.434–35). It is difficult not to conclude that such remarks are different from chapter 17’s emphasis on the investigation of natural regularities.
- 28.
- 29.
See the table provided in the appendix to this essay.
- 30.
See the table provided in the appendix to this essay.
- 31.
See Kitada 1941: 24–31.
- 32.
See Kitada 1941: 94–95.
- 33.
See the rare edition of the Doku Junshi matsu in the University of Tokyo Library. For more on the criticism of Sorai in the Doku Junshi matsu, see also Fujikawa 1990: 67–117.
- 34.
See the “Notices” (凡例) to Kubo n.d. See also Fujikawa 1980: 300.
- 35.
See Fujikawa 1980: 406–8.
- 36.
See Kitada 1941: 79–83.
- 37.
- 38.
See Kitada 1941: 86.
- 39.
See Mizukami 2007.
- 40.
See Yanagisawa 1980 and Yanagisawa 1981. Yanagisawa 1980 mainly describes how Miura Baien’s philosophy was influenced by the ideas of “the division between Heaven and human beings” and “the division between human nature and deliberate effort ” in the Xunzi. Yanagisawa 1981 mainly discusses how Yamagata Bantō’s thought was inspired by the views of Heaven and human beings and the views of ghosts and spirits in the Xunzi.
- 41.
See Hashimoto 2009. This essay mainly uses the theory of human nature and the division between Heaven and human beings in the Xunzi as focal points for discussing and evaluating Japanese research on the Xunzi in Meiji Japan and afterwards. It includes discussion of issues concerning how Japanese intellectuals during the Meiji period used the theory of human nature in the Xunzi as a medium for understanding Western philosophy.
- 42.
See Fujikawa 1980: 123–30.
- 43.
See Fujikawa 1980: 123–30.
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Appendix: Edo-Period Japanese Commentaries on the Xunzi
The following table is a product assembled mainly from the “Union Catalogue of Early Japanese Books” (日本古典籍總合目錄) hosted by the National Institute of Japanese Literature (http://base1.nijl.ac.jp/~tkoten/about.html). If the Catalogue does not record any institutional holding information for a volume, then it is listed here as a book that has been lost. However, there should be commentaries on the Xunzi—including some of those that are listed as lost in the table here—that are still preserved in certain book collections in Japan, but these await to be rediscovered and organized.
Appendix: Edo-Period Japanese Commentaries on the Xunzi
Title | Author | Record/condition of the work |
|---|---|---|
Doku Junshi 讀荀子 | Ogyū Sorai 荻生徂徠 | 4 juan in 4 volumes, published in Hōreki year 14 (1764). Also collected in Yan 1979 |
Junshi dan 荀子斷 | Tsukada Taihō 冢田大峯 | 4 juan in 4 volumes, published in Kansei year 7 (1795). Also collected in Yan 1979 |
Junshi ihei 荀子遺秉 | Momonoi Hakuroku 桃井白鹿 | 2 juan in 2 volumes, published in Kansei year 12 (1800). Also collected in Yan 1979 |
Junshi kō 荀子考 | Momonoi Hakuroku 桃井白鹿 | 2 juan, lost |
Junshi zōchū 荀子増注 | Kubo Chikusui 久保筑水 | 20 juan in 10 volumes, published in Bunsei year 8 (1825). Also collected in Yan 1979 |
Junshi hoi 荀子補遺 | Ikai Keishō 猪飼敬所 | 1 volume, published in Bunsei year 13 (1830) |
Junshi zōchū hoi 荀子増注補遺 | ||
Junshi hikki 荀子筆記 | Asakawa Zen’an 朝川善庵 | 1 volume, handwritten edition |
Junshi jutsu 荀子述 | Asakawa Zen’an 朝川善庵 | 1 volume, handwritten edition. A modern edition is collected in Seki 1978 and in Yan 1979 |
Junshi itteki 荀子一適 | Katayama Kenzan 片山兼山 | 1 volume, handwritten edition |
Junshi Yōchūseigo 荀子楊注正誤 | Katayama Kenzan 片山兼山 | Lost |
Doku Junshi matsu 讀荀子抹 | Katayama Kenzan 片山兼山 | 5 volumes, handwritten edition |
Junshi kō 荀子考 | Katayama Kenzan 片山兼山 | Handwritten edition |
Mōjun ruikō 孟荀類考 | Katayama Kenzan 片山兼山 | 4 juan, lost |
Junshi zōchū shakugi 荀子増註釈義 | Aizawa Nanjō 藍沢南城 | 1 volume, handwritten edition |
Junshi teigi 荀子定義 | Aizawa Nanjō 藍沢南城 | 1 volume, handwritten edition |
Junshi kai 荀子解 | Seya Dōsai 瀬谷桐齋 | Lost |
Junshi kai 荀子解 | Ban Dōzan 伴東山 | Lost |
Junshi kagaku 荀子家學 | Unknown | 1 volume, handwritten edition |
Junshi kanken 荀子管見 | Ōsuga Nanpa 大菅南坡 | Lost |
Junshi kikigaki 荀子聞書 | Unknown | 1 volume, handwritten edition |
Junshi gimoku 荀子疑目 | Matsugaki Sodai 松垣曾大 | 1 volume, handwritten edition |
Junshi guan 荀子愚按 | Eda Kei 江田絅 | 3 juan in 3 volumes, handwritten edition |
Junshi kei 荀子觽 | Oka Hakku 岡白駒 | 2 juan in 1 volume, handwritten edition |
Junshi kō 荀子考 | Ikai Keishō 猪飼敬所 | 2 juan in 1 volume, handwritten edition |
Junshi kō 荀子考 | Ōta Kinjō 大田錦城 | Lost |
Junshi kō 荀子考 | Ōta Seiken 大田晴軒 | 4 juan, lost |
Junshi kō 荀子考 | Okamoto Yasutaka 岡本保孝 | Handwritten edition |
Junshi kōzoku Hoi 荀子考續補遺 | Okamoto Yasutaka 岡本保孝 | 1 juan, lost |
Junshi kō 荀子考 | Onda Keirō 恩田蕙楼 | Lost |
Junshi kō 荀子考 | Kawame Tadashi 川目直 | 1 volume, handwritten edition |
Junshi kō荀子考 | Nagai Seisho 永井星渚 | 1 volume, handwritten edition |
Junmō kō 荀孟考 | Nagai Seisho 永井星渚 | 8 juan, lost |
Junshi kō 荀子考 | Niida Nanyō 仁井田南陽 | Lost |
Junshi kō 荀子考 | Hagiwara Dairoku 萩原大麓 | Lost |
Junshi kōchō 荀子考註 | Ōtake Dōkai 大竹東海 | 6 juan, lost |
Junshi gōkai 荀子合解 | Nishiyama Motobumi 西山元文 | 22 juan, lost |
Junshi sankō 荀子参考 | Takahashi Baishō 高橋梅洲 | Lost |
Junshi Shakō Hosei 荀子謝校補正 | Hosaka Seisō 蒲坂青荘 | Lost |
Junshi jusetsu 荀子樹説 | Miyamoto Kōson 宮本篁村 | Lost |
Junshi seiakuron 荀子性惡論 | Nigita Kyōmei 饒田強明 | 1 volume, handwritten edition |
Junshi setsu 荀子説 | Furuya Aijitsusai 古屋愛日齋 | Lost |
Junshi setsu 荀子説 | Matsushita Kikō 松下葵岡 | 3 juan, lost |
Junshi sen 荀子箋 | Morokuzu Kindai 諸葛琴台 | 6 juan, lost |
Junshi senchū 荀子箋注 | Tōjō Itsudō 東條一堂 | May be the same as Junshi Hyōshiki, collected in Yan 1979 |
Junshi hyōshiki 荀子標識 | Tōjō Itsudō 東條一堂 | 1 volume, handwritten edition |
Junshi zenshoan 荀子全書按 | Usami Shinsui 宇佐美灊水 | 1 volume, handwritten edition |
Junshi himōben 荀子非孟辨 | Zakōji Nanpei 座光寺南屏 | 1 juan, lost |
Junshi hyōchū 荀子標注 | Nishijima Jōzan 西島城山 | Lost |
Junshi hyōchū 荀子標註 | Hoashi Banri 帆足萬里 | 10 juan, printed edition. Also collected in Yan 1979 |
Junshi hyōban 荀子評判 | Unknown | 1 volume, printed edition |
Junshi kenshi 荀子篇旨 | Minagawa Kien 皆川淇園 | Lost |
Junshi ryakkai 荀子略解 | Minagawa Kien 皆川淇園 | 2 pian, lost |
Junboku kōryō荀墨綱領 | Fujiwara Seisan 藤原成粲 | Lost |
Junshi Yōchūsanpo 荀子楊註刪補 | Hatakama Rinsai 幡鎌粼齋 | 20 juan, lost |
Junshi ryakusetsu 荀子略説 | Asaka Konsai 安積艮齋 | 1 juan. A modern edition is collected in Seki 1978 and in Yan 1979 |
Doku Junshi 讀荀子 | Kamei Shōyō 亀井昭陽 | 6 juan, lost |
Hyōsen Junshizensho 標箋荀子全書 | Chiba Unkaku 千葉芸閣 | 10 juan, lost |
Hyōchūkunten Junshi 標注訓點荀子 | Oda Kokuzan 小田穀山 | Lost |
Mōjun dokudan 孟荀獨斷 | Funau Chōhin 舟生釣浜 | 8 juan, lost |
Junshi kōchū荀子考注 | Irie Nanmei 入江南溟 | Lost. Added to this list on the basis of Kitada 1941 : 25–26 |
Doku Junshi ho 讀荀子補 | Tozaki Tan’en 戶崎淡園 | Lost. Added to this list on the basis of Kitada 1941 : 28–29 |
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Lan, HY. (2016). The Xunzi in Edo Japan. In: Hutton, E. (eds) Dao Companion to the Philosophy of Xunzi. Dao Companions to Chinese Philosophy, vol 7. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-7745-2_16
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