Abstract
In so far as essays on the kris investigate the problem of the real significance of this mysterious object and, in this connection, raise the question what spiritual sphere the kris originally belongs to, we nearly always find that they lay stress in the first place on everything connected with this curious dagger that suggests importation or, at least, influences from outside the Archipelago. They give their full attention, in the first place, to tracing the unknown land of its origin. It is quite evident that certainty on this point is not only considered to be of importance for the history of the weapon, but is also thought to go most of the way towards solving the kris problem in its entirety.
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References
Mededeelingen der Koninklijke Nederlandsche Akademie van Wetenschappen, afdeeling Letterkunde, Nieuwe Reeks, deel 1, No. 8 (1938).
See plate I and cf. Rassers:Over den oorsprong van het Javaansche tooneel in Bijdragen Kon. Inst. dl. 88 (1931).
For secret societies and men’s clubs, their origin, organization and ritual, see: G. Davy, La foi jurée, étude sociologique du problème du contrat, la formation du lien contractuel (1922); A. Moret et G. Davy, Des clans aux empires, l’organisation sociale chez les primitifs et dans l’Orient ancien (1923); M. Mauss, Essai sur le don, forme et raison de l’échange dans les sociétés archaïques (Année sociologique, nouv. série I, 1925, p. 30 ff.); J. Ph. Duyvendak, Het Kakean-genootschap van Seren (1926); and the literature cited in these works.
See for an enum_ration of the kris varieties according to the grip J. Groneman, Der Kris der Javarner, in Intern. Archiv für Ethnogr. XIX (1910), p. 155–158, and J. E. Jasper and Mas Pirngadie, De Inlandsehe knnstnijverheid in Nederlandsch-Indië, Vol. V (1930), p. 204–209. — About the kris grips Groneman says (l.c. p. 184), on the authority of Commissioner J. R. Couperus: “Die ganze Ornamentik ist deutlich umschrieben und benannt, jede Windung und jeder Einschnitt trägt einen eigenen Namen”.
See o.c. p. 154.
See Gronemaan, l.c., p. 145.
Jasper and Mas Pirngadie, o.c., p. 221.
J. W. van Dapperen,Krisheften, inNederlandsch India,Oud en Nieuw XVI (1931-’32), p. 105: “Very probably special grips were prescribed in olden times for the different classes and perhaps for the different districts in Java”. Groneman, 1.c., p. 179: “Die Herstellung der Griffe bildet einen besonderen Zweig der Kunstindustrie, und derpengukir, der Fachmann, der diesen Zweig ausübt, kennt viele unter einander wenig verschiedene wangun ( Gestalten, Formen), die nicht nur für jedes der beiden Fürstenländer eigene Kennzeichen tragen, sondern sogar persönlich, nach dem Rang oder Stand des Auftraggebers verschieden sein können”. See also Jasper and Mas Pirngadie, o.c., p. 190–191.
Groneman, ibidem.
Groneman, l.c. p. 181; Jasper and Mas Pirngadie, o.c., p. 200.
It is true that in the report in question this is not expressed in so many words; actually it merely says that, on the division of the state, both princes considered it necessary to adopt a special form of kris grip as the general type for their dominion, — which is already sufficiently remarkable in itself. Occasionally, it is true, we definitely find the opinion uttered that the shape tunggaq semi was of quite recent date, made from a design by the above-mentioned Paku Buwana III of Solo [cf. S. Suhari, De Gajahmati to Solo, in Djawa II, 1923, p. 19]. How improbable this last assertion is, need hardly be demonstrated: what Javanese tradition says in general about the shape tunggaq semi, makes it sufficiently clear that at any rate we are dealing with something very old and extremely venerable. The Babad Tanah Djawi (ed. Meinsma 1903, I, p. 49–50) mentions Sunan Bonang as its designer and the context in which this is said, may without doubt be called the islamized version of the myth concerning the origin of the kris generally. Sunan Bonang — this wali belongs to the category of Javanese culture heroes, of the “Lords of the Age” (cf. Pigeaud, Javaanse volksvertovingen, p. 385 ff.), and he apparently represents here the mythical ancestor of the Javanese people — summons the renowned smith Ki Sura from Tuban and commissions him to make a circumcision knife out of a staff which he gives him. The smith accepts the commission, but carries it out in his own way; he does not make the staff into an implement for the circumcision, but into a kris, or rather (and we think that we now understand what this means) he makes two krisses of different kinds. Of course both krisses are of a shape which the Javanese hold to be primeval: the one of the shape Sangkëlat, the other Pasopati. Now, he designs a grip for these krisses which, as Sunan Bonang foresees, are going to form part of the costume of all the princes of Java in later times, of the shape tunggaq sémi.
Groneman, l.c., p. 181; Jasper and Mas Pirngadie, o.c. p. 201.
Cf. Rassers, Inteiding tot een bestudeering van de Javaansche kris, p. 57, and the passages in van Wouden’s thesis, to which the former refers. Everywhere, in all the details of the kris, something of this system is to be found. We came across exactly the same thing before (see Lnleiding, p. 35) while examining the wide mouthpiece of the sheath, which is called the “house” of the kris, the meaning of which is accentuated on Javanese, but especially Balinese krisses, by the Kala-head set on it. Of this “house”, too, the Javanese distinguishes two chief types (branggah and gayaonan), and as a third form tanggal, which, as we are distinctly informed, is between the other two. The first two forms are more or less each other’s counterpart in native estimation, as full dress shape and shape for daily use, in the shape of tanggal they apparently find their unity.
Groneman, l.c., p. 96–109, 123–129.
J. J Meyer, Een Ja~vaansch handschrift over pamor-motieven in Nederlandsch Indic, Owl en Nieuw I (1916–17), p. 110.
Ibid., p. 110.
Groneman, 1.c., p. 132–133; Jasper and Mas Pirngadie, o.c., p. 182 ff.
Groneman, 1.c., p. 130.
Groneman, l.c., p. 130.
Rassers, De Pandji-roman, (1922), p. 286. — Does it not become extremely likely, now that we have succeeded on so many points in proving the probability of a connection between the social organization and various external characteristics of the kris, that also the number of undulations (luq), as prescribed for the different kinds of the undulated kris, expresses the totality-character of the kayon-serpent? The regulations regarding the number of these snake-like undulations are of a categorical character and are even now strictly observed; they cannot therefore be meaningless. The number of luq is always odd and it lies between the limits 3 and 13. (So we are told at least by A. M. K. de Does, Toestand der nijverheid in Bandjarnégara, in Tijdschr. Bat. Gen. XXXVI, 1893, p. 71, nt. 1; as appears from the list, published by Groneman from a ms. in the palace in Yogyakarta, there are, however, also krisses with a greater number of undulations, viz. up to 29, but always an odd number. See Intern. Archiv f. Ethnogr. XIX, p. 156–158). In addition only krisses with twelve undulations occur, which might point to the fact that, to Javanese feeling, the number 12 expresses very specially the idea of completeness. That the explanation of this phenomenon must be looked for in this religious-social sphere at any rate, becomes even more probable when we see that a kris blade with 5 undulations is again associated with the Pandawa’s, (see Groneman, 1.c., p. 130).
Veth, Java, IV, p. 363.
Raffles, History of Java I (1817), p. 87: “The kris or dagger, which is universally worn by all classes, completes the dress”.
See S. Suhari,De Gajahmati to Solo, inDjawa II (1923), p. 19, with illustr. — It is obviously of great importance that a special kris grip is said to be prescribed for this particular group. This appears when we consider 1° that these Gajahmati are entrusted with a specialhereditary function, and 2° that their origin myth as well as historical data distinctly show theunilateral character of this group. This once more confirms our opinion of the significance of the kris and of its classification according to its outward appearance. Furthermore there can hardly remain any doubt as to how a further inquiry into the original character of these and similar groups in Javanese society will have to be pursued. (Cf. in this connection also the observations about the Kalang by Th. Pigeaud, in his:Javannse volksvertoningen (1938), pp. 49, 125, 351, 378–9 ).
See Poensen, lets over de kleeding der Javanen, in nlededeelingen v.w. het Ned. Zendelinggen. XX (1876), p. 538; Schmeltz, in Intern. Archiv f. Ethnogr. III, (1890), p. 105.
Veth, Java IV, p. 363.
Jasper and Mas Pirngadie, o.c., p. 151.
Groneman, in Intern. Archiv f. Ethnogr. XXI (1913), p. 130; J. W. van Dapperen, Krisheften, in Nederlandsch Indic, Oud en Nieuw XVI (1931–32), p. 101.
At present there is a tendency to perform the circumcision even earlier. See Snouck Hurgronje,Brieven vaneen wedono-pensioen, inVerspreide Geschriften IV, I, p. 207; K. A. H. Ridding,Gebruiken en godsdienst der Soendaneezen (1935), p. 63.
H. S. de P., Een en ander over gebruiken bij den Soendanees, in Djawa I (1921), p. 106; Ridding, o.c., p. 66.
See above p. 231 nt. 11.
J. H. B. Jaspers, Zeden en gewoonten bij de Makassaren, in Nederlandsch Indie, Oud en Nieuw X (1925–26), p. 139.
Meanwhile this does not explain why the young Javanese used to receive a kris, not only from his father, but also from his father-in-law (consequently from a different genealogical group). This is one of the points which will have to be discussed separately afterwards.
See Bijdragen Kon. Instit. 88 (1931), p. 443 ff.
J. Groneman, De garëbég’s to Ngajogyakarta (1895), p. 58; do. Het njiram of de jaarlijkse reinging van de erfwapens en andere poesaka’s in MiddenJava, in Intern. Archiv f. Ethnogr. XVII (1905), p. 81 ff.
Jasper and Mas Pirngadie, o.c. p. 200: “The hilts must sometimes show the physical characteristics of those who ordered them. And as a proof of how small details in the nkiran strike the Javanese at once, the instance is cited here of Pangeran Mangkubumi, who could immediately tell by a kris grip that his son, Raden Kartanegara had ordered it to be made, because the grip had a long top part, like the upper part of the body of the son in question”.
Jasper and Mas Pirngadie, o.c., p. 151.
Wilken, Plechtigheden en gebruiken bij verlovingen en huwelijken bij de volken van den Indischen Archipel, in Verspreide Geschriften I (1912), p. 498–9; Matthes, Bijdragen tot de ethnologie van Zuid Celebes (1875), p. 29.
Raffles, o.c. I, p. 318. See also C. F. Winter Sr., Javaansche Zamenspraken I, No. 18. — This deputizing for the bridegroom by his kris is said to take place especially when a man of high rank marries a woman of a lower class; on the other hand the custom is seldom observed when a man marries for the first time. (See J. W. Winter, Beknopte beschrijving van het hof Soerakarta in 1824, in Bijdr. Kon. Inst. 54, 1902, p. 51 ).
C. Poensen,lets over de kleeding der Javanen, inMededeelingen Nederl. Zendelinggen. XX (1876), p. 414.
Intern. Archiv f. Ethnogr. XIX (1910), p. 193. See for a different wording of the same myth Groneman, De garébëgs in Ngajogyakarta (1895), p. 55 ff.
G. A. J. Hazeu, lets over koedi en tjoendrik, in Tijdschr. Bat. Gen. XLVII, p. 410.
Cf. Rassers, Inleiding, p. 38, nt. 2.
J. D. E. Schmeltz, inIntern. Archiv f. Ethnogr. III (1890), p. 105; L. Th. Mayer,Een blik in het Javaansche volksleven (1897), II, p. 538; S. Kalif,Javaccnsche poesaka,in Djawa III (1923), p. 157.
See Bijdragen Kan. Inst. 81 (1931), p. 367.
See Rassers, Inleiding, p. 48 ff. ks Ibidem.
Snouck Hurgronje, 1.c., p. 225.
See Bijdragen Kon. Inst. 88 (1931), p. 125, and cf. the plan printed appended to this article (pl. VII).
“Welding tot cera bestudeering van de Javaansche kris, p. 57.
See Groneman, De garëbëg’s te Ngajogyakarta (1895), p. 33 and 41, and pl. XXI and XXII; R. Soedjono Tirtokoesoemo, De garebëg’s in het Sultanaat Jogjakarta (1931), p. 25–31, 136. The last-mentioned author actually distinguishes between five varieties of the gunungan, but the “male” and “female” ones are the two principal kinds.
C. Poensen, Javaansche wani+ngen en erven, in Mededeelingen Ned. Zend. Gen. XIX (1875), p. 101–146; see especially p. 138–141.
Soerjo Winoto, De regentswoning, in Nederlandsch Indic, Oud en Nieuw IV (1919–20), p. 131–148.
“Regent”: native administrator nearest in rank to the assistant-commissioner (“assistent-resident”).
L.c., p. 139.
Sastro Amidjojo,Het bouwen van lavaansche huizzen, inDjawa IV (1924), p. 105–113.
Ir. Noto Diningrat, Grondslagen van de bouwkunst op Java, in Nederlandsch Indië, Oud en N,ieuw IV (1919–20), p. 107–124.
L.c., p. 112.
G. A. J. Hazeu,De kobong.an in het Javacwnsche huis, inIVerslag v. h. Eerste Congres v. h. Oostersch Genootschctp in Nederland (1921).
See Inleiding, p. 57, and above p. 235. On the relation between these numbers 280.
See Inleiding, p. 57, and above p. 235. On the relation between these numbers an a former division of human society, see also Pigeaud’s views on the masque in his: Javaacnse Volksvertoningen (1938), §§ 28, 30, 353, 362, 365.
See above, p. 249.
For this summary I again follow Snouck Hurgronje’s Brieven van een wedono-pensioen (Verspreide Geschriften IV, 1). It is true that the data given here have for the greater part been collected in Western Java, but we may assume that on the principal points they also hold good for the other parts of Java; moreover they stand out on account of their great accuracy and wealth of fine detail. I have borrowed some additions from Schrieké s publication of material Allerlei over de besnijdenis in den Indischen Archipel (in Tijdschrift Bat. Gen. Vol. 60, 1921).
See J. van der Mey’s account of circumcision in the Eastern Preanger, in Schrieke, o.c., p. 419.
Schrieke, l.c., p. 421.
Snouck Hurgronje, o.c., p. 226.
Snouck Hurgronje, o.c., p. 232.
Only it strikes us that the name of kobongan is also sometimes used for the circumcision but in the front yard, along with tarub, tratag, kébon alas.
De garébilg’s te Ngajogyakarta (1895), p. 55.
Babad Tawah Djauri. I, 3rd ed. (1903), p. 36–41.
To my knowledge no serious attempt to determine the meaning of the story has yet been made. It is true, C. M. Pleyte Wzn. (see his essayZijn de widyicdari in de Indonesische legenden aan de Hindus ontleend? in Feestbundel-Veth,1894) has proved that this myth belongs to Indonesian culture proper, though some features point to Indonesian influence. The story is found in a number of places in the Archipelago, and Pleyte at the same time drew attention to a Melanesian parallel. (See R. H. Codrington, The Melanesians, their anthropology and folklore, 1891, p. 397 ).
See above, p. 258.
See J. P. B. de Josselin de Jong,De oorsprong vanden goddelijken bedrieger, inMed. Kon. Akademie V.Wetensch., afd. Letterk. 68, Serie B, no. 1 (1929).
See above p. 252–3.
See Rassers, Inleiding, p. 51 ff.
F. D. E. v. Ossenbruggen, Het oeconomisch-magisch element im. Tobasche verwantschapsverhoudingen, in Med. Kon. Akademie v. Wetensch., afd. Letterk. 80, Serie B, no. 3 (1935); F. A. E. van Wouden, Sociale structuurtypen in de Groote Oost ( 1935 ); J. P. B. de Josselin de Jong, De Maleische Archipel als ethnologisch studieveld (1935).
See i.a. J. C Vergouwen, Het rechtsleven der Toba-Bataks (1933), p. 69, 72; H. J. Grijzen, Mededeelingen omtrent Beloe of Midden-Timor, in Verh. v. h. Bat. Gen. 54, 3rd essay (1904), p. 57–58; P. Drzbbe, Het heidensch huwetijk op Taouimbar, in Bijdr. Kos.. Inst. 79 (1923), p. 548 ff.
Cf. Mauss,Essai sur le don,forme et raison de l’échange dans les sociétés archaïques (Année sociologique, nouvelle série I, 1925, p. 41–49 ).
O.c., p. 67.
Nowadays weapons are no longer the gifts offered by the husband; but all the same these goods are still indicated by the term piso. See Vergouwen, o.c., p. 72.
F. A. E. van Wouden, Sociale structuurtypen in de Groote Oost (1935). — See for the analysis of the system especially p. 89–99.
In this connection it is now clear that among the clans which entertain direct marriage relations with each other the women-giving group is regarded as superior to the group to which the bridegroom belongs. See e.g. o.c. p. 166. Ss L.c., p. 209.
See above, p. 258.
Here is the reason why, on the occasion of the circumcision, the kobongnn remains entirely undecorated. — Yet, in my opinion, we also sec the matrilineal relations put in a momentary appearance on this occasion, though as perfectly passive witnesses. Let us remember the custom, observed by Snouck Hurgronje in the case of the Sundanese (see above p. 258), according to which the circumcised, after the operation, must for a moment touch the bared nipple of one of his female relations. There is hardly any doubt in my own mind, but that we have to understand by “female relations”: “female relations on the mother’s side”. Then the meaning of the gesture originally was that, at the moment when the boy was admitted as a full member into the paternal community, he once more emphatically acknowledged his connection with his matrilineal group of relations.
On the occasion of shadow-play performances in the real wayang area, the pendapa becomes almost completely a sacral men’s house in its classical form; the women are practically excluded. That this stage in the evolution has not been completely attained everywhere, in other words that there is some hesitation about the admittance of women to the performances in several places, has (in a somewhat different way now than formerly realized) become intelligible.
See p. 244.
It is important to observe how the kris Majapahit, which is especially worn by women, has in this connection entirely passed into the “matrilineal” sphere and so, properly speaking, is not a kris any longer. Its supernatural power appears to have been directed to a pursuit the aptitude for which is obtained from the mother’s side: the kris Majapahit is now chiefly used in agriculture as a preventive against crop diseases. — See G. A. J. Hazeu, lets over koedi en tjoendrik, in Tijdschr. Bat. Gen. 47 (1904), p. 410.
Cf. Raffles, o.c. vol. I, p. 91; Veth,Java, vol. IV, p. 364.
The two aspects of the community are really equivalent, which fact is probably the origin of the custom of weighing the bride and bridegroom during the rite and of pretending to balance them.
See above, p. 260.
Nowadays it consists not only of different, but even of ritually incorrect things, such as rice, pulse, flowers etc. Apparently, the idea of the meaning of this ceremonial gift has got lost; it is therefore all the more remarkable that the term rajakaja has been preserved.
Cf. van Wouden, o.c., pp. 39, 144; see also C. Nooteboom,De boorstam-kano in Indonesië (1932), p. 189, and P. Wirz,The social meaning of the sept-house and the sept-boat in Dutch and British New-Guinea, inTijdschr. Bat. Gen. 74 (1934), p. 140–8.
Inleiding, p. 35.
C. T. Bertling discusses these facts, together with some others, in an article Huwverbod op grand van verwantschapsposities in Middel-Java, in Indisch Tijdschrift van het Recht, vol. 143 (1936), p. 119 ff. His argument is not absolutely satisfactory; the double system is not mentioned at all; but from the fact that he seeks enlightenment by comparing the Javanese situation with the state of affairs among the Batak and with the kinship system of the Arunta, it is clearly seen what attitude he takes with regard to these phenomena.
See about these groups i.a.: S. S.hari,De Gajahmati to Solo, inDjawa II (1923), p. 15–21; andPinggir, inDjawa IX (1929), p. 160–168; Th. Pigeaud,Javaanse Volksvertoningen (1938), p. 377 ff. — Also important for our understanding of the old social structure of Java is: R. Prawata,Huwelijksgebruiken en met het huwelijk verwante verhoudingen in oud Oost-Banjoemas, inTijdschr. Bat. Gen. 71 (1931), p. 133–145.
Pigeaud, (Javaas se Volksvertoningen, p. 351–378) has pointed out in putting forward his views on the oldest Javanese masque types, that in native records, Kalang is the name of one of the followers of Panji, and occurs in a primitive classification series, so that, in his opinion, there is reason to think that this at the same time indicates a special group in an old classificatory arrangement of the community. Moreover he draws attention to some facts (amongst others the relation with the dog), which make it probable that this old group is identical with the population group which we still know to-day in the Principalities as Kalang. — For the Gajahmati I refer to what I observed above (p. 237) with regard to the fact that they distinguish themselves by a particular form of kris grip.
Also the function that is theirs by right is “male”: they are woodcutters and woodworkers and are said to have lived in the woods in olden times.
J. Groneman, De garébég’s te Ngajogyakarta (1895); V. Zimmerman, De kraton van Soerakarta in het jaar 1915, in Tijdschr. Bat. Gen. 58 (1919); P. A. Soerjadiningrat, Toelichting bij den plattegrond van de kraton te Jag jakarta in Djawa V (1925); Th. Pigeaud, Kleine gids ten dienste van de bezoekers (van den kraton van Z.H. den Soesoehoenan van Soerakarta) in Narita X (1930); R. Soedjono Tirtokoesomo, De garzbëg’s in het Sultanat Jogjakarta (1931).
Or at any rate a manner of acting that did not clash with the old native ideas.
L.c., p. 49.
See the plans of the kraton sites in the above mentioned writings.
J. Groneman, o.c., p. 20; P. A. Soerjadiningrat, 1.c., p. 13; R. Soedjono Tirtokoesomo, o.c., p. 57 note 2.
Zimmerman, 1.c., p. 311; Pigeaud, l.c., p. 50.
Pigeaud, 1.c., p. 51.
Zimmerman, l.c., p. 319.
Zimerman, I.c., p. 325.
It is a matter of course that in such an old-fashioned milieu as the kraton appears to be, the two aspects of the total community are still sharply distinguished in the ritual; and in particular it now becomes understandable why among the princely “food mountains” that are used with the garébég there is a “male” and a “female” type. We need now no longer doubt that the gunangan lansang is a replica of the tarub in which the smith makes the kris, where the theatrical shows are performed and where the gamélan instruments are kept; the female gunungan represents the kobongani, where the community gives the women in marriage and where spinning-wheel and weaving-loom belong. For a closer study of the nature of the Javanese total ceremonies it is important to know that with some garébég the presence of both kinds of gunungan is required, whereas with others the gun/Iowan, lanang are alone used. It is clear that, where both types appear, a kind of super-totality is attained, an indication of the community in its most perfect completeness. It is also in the person of the prince, the highest representative of the community, that the two aspects can meet, hence the reason why on certain occasions he is adorned with the two emblems: with one of the sacred krisses as well as with the divine garment Onta Kusuma (see Groneman, De garebég’s to Ngajogyakarta, p. 23).
The question how far the double organization has been a general phenomenon, of course lies outside the scope of this study. I cannot refrain, however, from pointing out, with regard to our own culture, the names, well known from our feudal times, of “spear side”, and “distaff side”, — “fief” in opposition to “distaff fief”. Of even greater importance may be the fact that everywhere in the world we know the flag as highest symbol of the community. What else, after all, is the flag but the combination of the weapon (the lance) and the cloth?
The efforts that have been made to bring the wayang and all that is connected with it into close relation with earth and underworld (see i.a. K. A. H. Hidding, De beteekenis van de kékajon, in Tijdschr. Bat. Gen. 71 (1931), p. 623 ff.) are easily intelligible in this light; the original meaning of this ritual, however, is not arrived at in this way.
See above p. 256.
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Rassers, W.H. (1959). On the Javanese Kris. In: Pañji, the Culture Hero. Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-6655-5_4
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