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The Unfinished War

  • Leonard Y. Andaya
Part of the Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde book series (VKIV, volume 91)

Abstract

Even at the time of the signing of the Bungaya treaty on 18 November 1667, Speelman expressed his reservations about the efficacy of such a document to maintain the peace: “... we still have so little trust in the Makassar goverment; it is as if we were still at war, although outwardly they show us every courtesy and affection” (Stapel 1922:191). When a copy of the treaty in Malay was shown to the Sultan of Banten, he remarked that those in Makassar had promised more than could and would be fulfilled (Macleod 1900:1290). A portent of things to come was the appointment of Karaeng Karunrung to replace Karaeng Sumanna as Tuma’bicara-butta some three days before the convening of the Bungaya negotiations.

Keywords

Buffalo Meat Sago Palm Native Troop Rice Chaff Dutch East India Company 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

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References

  1. 1.
    La Tënrilai Tosenngéng was accidentally blown up by gunpowder in the defence of Tosora (L-1:67; L-3:325).Google Scholar
  2. 2.
    A Bugis version of the treaty appears to give a direct translation of leen or leenman in the Dutch version. It refers to the people of Wajo as being toinrang,literally vassals, of the Company (L-3:331-4). A more common word for vassal in interstate relations among South Sulawesi states is palili. It appears, therefore, that Wajo may have been simply given a draft treaty which was translated literally into Bugis without any proper attention to local treaty conventions.Google Scholar
  3. 3.
    Pammana is listed along with Gilirëng and Belawa as siding with Wajo in L-3:324.Google Scholar
  4. 4.
    The Bugis word would have been passe. See Chapter I for a discussion of this concept in Bugis-Makassar society.Google Scholar
  5. 5.
    These are traditional phrases of a South Sulawesi treaty. What is being suggested here is to have Soppeng reminded of its treaty with Bone. See Chapter IV.Google Scholar
  6. 6.
    For a discussion of the significance of burying the stone in a treaty, see Chapter IV.Google Scholar
  7. 7.
    This was the traditional manner of submitting to a conqueror. For other examples, see Noorduyn 1955:168-171, 172-3, passim.Google Scholar
  8. 8.
    Arung Palakka’s wife at first continued to live in Barru and refused to go to Bontoala to join Arung Palakka because she considered it too difficult and unpleasant (KA 1191 a:656v).Google Scholar
  9. 9.
    While no mention is made of the status of the members of this band, there would have been slaves, commoners, and ordinary criminals seeking safety from traditional society and norms in outlaw groups in the hills. These outlaw groups were not uncommon, and it was to prevent their growth that there was such strict provision in interstate treaties for the return of runaway slaves. While the economic loss to their masters was a factor in attempting to destroy these bands, the loss of prestige of a ruler was perhaps as, if not more, important a reason for condemning the existence of these groups. The rise of this alternative authority was an unpleasant reminder to a local lord that he had somehow failed to provide prosperity and protection to his people, two crucial determinants of a good ruler in South Sulawesi traditions. See L. Y. Andaya 1975: 120 - 1.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 1981

Authors and Affiliations

  • Leonard Y. Andaya
    • 1
  1. 1.University of AucklandAucklandNew Zealand

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