Advertisement

Abstract

On the morning of 13 November 1667, Speelman sent Dutch and native troops to the outer defenceworks, where he and a few other Dutchmen, Arung Palakka, Sultan Mandar Syah of Ternate and various other native lords were gathered. A large open audience hall was being erected on one side of the village of Bungaya, but contrary to the agreement some Makassar troops under Karaeng Lengkese had occupied the field directly behind it. Sultan Hasanuddin himself waited in front ringed with a sizeable group of armed men. Speelman refused to go to the hall until the Makassar troops were removed, and although some of the troops were then subsequently withdrawn, a sufficiently large number remained to cause Speelman to take the precaution of bringing with him two companies of Dutch soldiers plus some Bugis. All the various lords, except Karaeng Tallo who was ill, were there with Sultan Hasanuddin. The latter said something to his interpreter who then came over and brought the message to Speelman. Since this procedure promised to be timeconsuming and tedious, Speelman proposed that “since the entire [Goa] government understood Malay and a greater part also knew Portuguese, that one would understand the other better tête à tête and so cut the negotiating time by half”. Sultan Hasanuddin agreed, and so Karaeng Karunrung assumed the role as negotiator since he was the most capable in the use of the Portuguese language. And so it was in Portuguese that Speelman, on behalf of the Company, and Karaeng Karunrung, on behalf of the Makassar kingdoms of Goa-Tallo, negotiated the peace settlement (Stapel 1922:179).

Keywords

Water Buffalo Young Brother Mutual Assistance Portuguese Language Peace Settlement 
These keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves.

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

References

  1. 1.
    Stapel 1922:181 mentions that the individual intended here was not the Sultan Ternate, but the Raja Turatea, which he interpreted to mean Karaeng Layo since in previous references in the Dutch records a copyist had written Ternate instead of Turatea (KA 1157a:323v). But in this case it appears that it is the Sultan Ternate which is intended since he did play a prominent role in the negotiations. See also the Syair Perang Mengkasar’s reference to the Sultan Ternate’s presence in Bungaya (Skinner 1963:179; KA 1157a:325r).Google Scholar
  2. 2.
    One should note that the sequence of the draft treaty articles discussed here do not correspond to those in the final treaty document reproduced in Stapel 1922:237-247.Google Scholar
  3. 3.
    Allegia=alegie=allegaes,may be related to alachae,piece goods from Gujerat usually striped of mixed cotton and silk. Those from Coromandel were made of cotton and either red and white or blue and white.Google Scholar
  4. 4.
    After the establishment of colonial rule in many parts of the world by Western European or American powers, the writers of international law began to deny sovereignty to Eastern rulers and their communities. Anand 1962: 383, 385, 1386.Google Scholar
  5. 5.
    While the following discussion is based principally on the records of the Bugis, who are the numerically dominant group in South Sulawesi, these observations may be applied generally to the other major ethnic groups in the area.Google Scholar
  6. 6.
    This reference is probably to the practice of dividing the children born of a slave and a freeman.Google Scholar
  7. 7.
    The terms of the treaties were taken from a number of Bugis manuscripts, especially from L-4, L-28, the Makassar Sedjarah Goa edited by Abdurrahim and Wolhoff, and a Makassar contract signed between Bantaeng and the Dutch East India Company in Matthes 1883: 217-220.Google Scholar
  8. 8.
    This was a widespread practice in the Malay world, and frequent references can be found in the Sejarah Melayu.Google Scholar
  9. 9.
    A tree, the Antiaris toxicaria Lesch,from which a sap is extracted to make a poison used for blow darts and arrows.Google Scholar
  10. 10.
    In South Sulawesi the written word is treated with great reverence. Many written documents are preserved as sacred heirlooms which can only be exhibited after a proper appeasement of the guardian spirits. A similar attitude among the Javanese is described in Berg 1938:14ff.Google Scholar
  11. 11.
    This belief is not peculiar to South Sulawesi but may be found in many parts of the Malay-Indonesian world. An interesting discussion of a similar concept called maratabat among the Maranao people of southern Philippines is found in Saber 1974: 219-224.Google Scholar
  12. 12.
    In this regard South Sulawesi appeared to be different from powerful mainland Southeast Asian states where it was common practice for the victor to transport a subject population to his own realm to augment his power. For an interesting study of manpower in the late Ayutthaya and early Bangkok period, see Rabibhadana 1969.Google Scholar
  13. 13.
    An interesting example of this process is described in one of the Bugis chronicles where Bone remembered its treaty with Goa and forsook that with Soppeng, only to do a complete turnabout some years later when Goa was clearly on the decline. See L-28: 32iî.Google Scholar
  14. 14.
    On 28 December 1655 the Company’s envoy was instructed by his superiors in Batavia to make peace with the Makassar rulers of Goa and Tallo at any cost. The resulting document clearly demonstrates the influence of local treaty-making traditions. While the framework of the treaty is borrowed from the Western European practice of including each new subject in separate numbered articles, the contents read like a typical South Sulawesi treaty. It begins: ... the Governor-General [of the Company] wants to make peace and is a great and strong man, whereas we are so much smaller and weaker. Would we make peace if no misdeeds were committed against our subjects? (Heeres 131a:82). But the traditional formula is inverted so as to leave no doubt whatsoever in the minds of the native signatories that they were not vassals of the Company: (Article 6) The enemies of the Company shall not be the enemies of these rulers; (Article 7) If these rulers should have a quarrel with any state below the winds, the Company will not interfere. Only in Article 8 does the treaty again revert to the precision of a European document but with the important difference that it is made in the form of a request rather than a provision. In this article the Company asks these rulers to prevent their subjects from going to certain proscribed areas. Although the Company has no right to such a request in traditional practice, it is not rejected outright but left unresolved (Heeres 1931a: 82 - 4 ).Google Scholar
  15. In a treaty between the Company and four minor states in South Sulawesi on December 1671, the rulers of the four states promise to uphold their treaty with the Company by swearing on the Koran, making an oath, and drinking hallo — all in the traditional fashion. They agree to recognize the Company as their overlord, take the Company’s friends as their friends and the Company’s enemies as their enemies, provide the same royal services to the Company as they had performed for the ruler of Goa, and give a small number of slaves to the Company (Heeres 1931d:441-2). All of these terms were in the traditional South Sulawesi treaty idiom, including the symbolic presentation of slaves to demonstrate one’s submission to an overlord Noorduyn 1955: 176, 202, passim).Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 1981

Authors and Affiliations

  • Leonard Y. Andaya
    • 1
  1. 1.University of AucklandAucklandNew Zealand

Personalised recommendations