Abstract
Ever since its inception in the 1930s, and until its ultimate institutionalization as a new integrative or umbrella discipline in the 1960s, molecular biology has primarily constituted itself in an international space, defined by an ongoing streamline of meetings of various sizes and degrees of in/formality, a preponderance of collaborative efforts and convoluted correspondence networks across many countries (1). Indeed, though all the early self-proclaimed membership of molecular biologists has aligned itself into several distinct groupings, or research schools, each revolving around its own constellation of nationally anchored science policy structures, institutional ecologies, disciplinary orientations, and charismatic leaders; in all cases, a substantial portion of each research school’s social composition and major conceptual legacy reflected the integral role of transnational affiliates, whether as visitors or as permanently naturalized émigrés (2).
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Notes
See numerous references on the origins of molecular biology in P.G. Abir-Am, “Themes, genres and orders of legitimation in the consolidation of new disciplines: Deconstructing the historiography of molecular biology,” History of Science, 1985, 23: 73–117, which also includes a detailed review of the three available books to date on the history of molecular biology: R.C. Olby, The Path to the Double Helix (London: Macmillan, 1974): H. Sajet, L’essor de la biologie’ moléculaire, 19511–1965 (Paris: CNRS. 1978): H.F. Judson. The Eighth Dar of Creation: The Makers of the Revolution in Biology (New York: Basic Books. 1979). This topic is further updated in R.C. Olby. The molecular revolution in biology,“ in R.C. Olby, G.N. Cantor. J.R.R. Christie and M.J.S. Hodge, eds.. A Companion to History of Science (London and New York: Routledge, 1990), pp. 503–520, and P.G. Abir-Am, ”Noblesse oblige: Lives of molecular biologists,“ ISIS, 1991, 82: 326–343.
For the collective views of members of research schools of molecular biology see J. Cairns, G.S. Stent and J.D. Watson, eds., Pliage and the Origins of Molecular Biology (Cold Spring Harbor, New York: Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory Press, 1966); A. Rich and N. Davidson, cds., Structural Chemistry and Molecular Biology (San Francisco: Freeman, 1968): J. Monod and E. Borek, eds., Of Microbes and Life (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1971): A. Lwoff and A. Ullmann, eds., Origins of Molecular Biology: A Tribute to Jacques Monod (New York: Academic Press, 1979). For a comparative account of several research schools via a relational database see Abir-Am, “Research schools of molecular biology in US. UK and France, 1930–1970,” Work-in-progress Reports to NSF, 1986–1990, forthcoming as a monograph.
The theoretical apparatus used to articulate the interdependence of conceptual, social and political dimensions of scientific change in general, and its applicability to the problem of the origins of molecular biology in particular has been discussed in P.G. Abir-Am, “The Biotheoretical Gathering, transdisciplinary authority and the incipient legitimation of molecular biology in the 1930s: New perspective in the historical sociology of science”, History of Science, 1987, 25:1–70, an abridged version of Abir-Am, “The Biotheoretical Gathering in England, 1932–1938 and the origins of molecular biology: An essay on the construction, legitimation and authority of transdisciplinary knowledge in a historical context” (Ph.D. thesis, University of Montreal, 1983/4), 600 pp.
For details see P.G. Abir-Am. “Recasting the disciplinary order in science: A deconstruction of rhetoric on ‘biology and physics’ at two International Congresses in 1931,” Humanity and Society, 1985, 9: 388–427.
For an overall perspective of the problem of protein research in the 1930s see P.R. Srinivasan, J.S. Fruton and J.T. Edsall, eds.. The Origins of Biochemistt_y, A Retrospect on Proteins (New York: The New York Academy of Sciences Press. 1979); see also the critical essay review of this collection by P.G. Abir-Am in British Journal for the History of Science. 1982, 15: 301 —305.
On the connection between science and the British Empire with a special emphasis on the role of the British Association for the Advancement of Science see M. Worboys, “The British Association and Empire: Science and social imperialism” in R. MacLeod and P. Collins, eds., The Parliament of Science: The British Association for the Advancement of Science. 1831–1981 (London: Science Reviews, Ltd., 1981), pp. 170–187, and G. Pancaldi, “Scientific internationalism and the British Association,” ibid. pp. 145–169. On science and the Soviet ideological Empire see D. Joraysky, The Lysenko Affair (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1970, 1986): on the Soviet deployment of left wing scientists in other countries, but especially in the UK see G.P. Werskey. The Visible College (London: Allen Lane. 1978). On science and the American financial Empire of philanthropic foundations see R.E. Kohler, Partners in Science: Foundations and Natural Scientists, 1900–1945 (Chicago and London: Chicago University Press, 1991).
See above note 3; see also P.G. Abir-Am, “The discourse on physical power and biological knowledge in the 1930s: A reappraisal of the Rockefeller Foundation’s `policy’ in molecular biology,” Social Studies of Science, 1982, 12: 341–382; ibid., 1984, 14:252–263; idem, “The assessment of interdisciplinary research in the 1930s: The Rockefeller Foundation and physico-chemical morphology,” Minerva, 1988, 26: 153–176.
See N.I. Bukharin, et al., Science at the Cross-Roads (London: Kniga, 1931, second edition. London: Science for the People, 1971).
Ibid. See there especially B. Hessen, “The socio-economic roots of Newton’s Principia”. See also the discussion of the impact of the Soviet speakers in Werskey, The Visible College, chapter 3.
See details in Abir-Am, “Recasting”, pp. 402–407.
On Hopkins’ scientific and social outlook see F.G. Hopkins, “Some chemical aspects of life,” (Presidential address) Annual Reports of the British Association for the Advancement of Science (1933), pp. 1–24; J. Needham and J. Baldwin, eds., Hopkins and Biochemistry (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1949); on Hopkins’ dealings with the Rockefeller Foundation on behalf of the Biotheoretical Gathering see Abir-Am, “The assessment,” pp. 153–176.
For Hopkins’ profound impact on younger scientists, especially those working at Cambridge in molecular life sciences see J. Needham, “Frederick Gowland Hopkins, 1860–1947,” Perspectives in Biology and Medicine, 1962, 6: 2–46 and chapter 6 in P.G. Abir-Am, “The Biotheoretical Gathering in England.” See also note 7.
For further details and additional references see Abir-Am, “The discourse,” and idem, “The assessment:” see also Kohler, 1991, note 6.
See details in Abir-Am, “The 50th anniversary of the first protein X-ray photo and the origins of molecular biology,” Proceedings of the Anglo-American Conference in the History of Science, Manchester, July 1988, pp. 110–117; idem, “A historical ethnography of a scientific anniversary in molecular biology: The first protein X-ray photo, 1984, 1934”, Social Epistemology, 1992, 6 (Special issue, forthcoming). See also J.T. Edsall, “Proteins as Macromolecules: An essay on the development of the macromolecule concept and some of its vicissitudes,” Archives of Biochemistry and Biophysics, 1962, 1: (Suppl.) 12–20; J. Servos, Physical Chemistry from Ostwald to Pauling (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), and “Discussion on the protein molecule,” Proceedings of the Royal Society. 170A, (1938), pp. 40–56; Cold Spring Harbor Symposium on Protein Chemistry (Cold Spring Harbor, New York: Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory Press, 1938). See also note 5.
See details in Abir-Am, “The assessment”; for the international background of the Rockefeller Foundation’s operations see also P. Weindling, “The Rockefeller Foundation and German biomedical sciences. 1920–1940: From educational philanthropy to international science policy,” in N.A. Rupke, ed., Science. Politics and the Public Good (London: MacMillan, 1988), pp. 119–140.
See further details on “metaphor and the construction of transdisciplinary meaning in molecular biology,” in Abir-Am “The Biotheoretical Gathering in England.” See also Abir-Am, 1987: also in note 3.
For details on the RF officer’s travelogues see Abir-Am, “The discourse”, Social Studies of Science, 1982, for the circumstances of involving the RF President see idem, “The assessment”, p. 175.
The emerging emphasis on protein structure as the problem of molecular biology in the 1930s was amplified by the first theory of protein structure proposed by Dorothy Wrinch, a member of the Biotheoretical Gathering, in the late 1930s. which focused and gave coherence to RE’s diverse projects with the effect that it was incorporated into RF officers’ in-house or Annual Reports and even in their occasional forays in the popular scientific literature: see for example. P.G. Abir-Am. “Synergy or clash: Disciplinary and marital strategies in the career of mathematical biologist Dorothy M. Wrinch,” in Abir-Am and D.Outram, eds., Uneasy Careers and Intimate Lives: Women in Science. 1789–1979 (New Brunswick. NJ and London: Rutgers University Press, 1987, 1989), pp. 338–394, and W. Weaver, “Protein structure studies,’” Scientific Monthly, 1951, 73: 387–390.
On the contrasting views of molecular biology as originating in protein X-ray crystallography or in phage turned molecular genetics see J.C. Kendrew, “How molecular biology started?,” Scientific American, 1967, 217: 141–143; idem, “Some remarks on the history of molecular biology,” Biochemical Society Symposia, 1970 30: 5–10: G.S. Stent, That was the molecular biology that was,“ Science, 1968, 160:390–395, for an analysis of this debate see Abir-Am, ”Themes,“ pp. 88–94. See also below, note 39.
J.D. Bernal and D. Crowfoot. “X-ray photographs of crystalline pepsin,” Nature, 1934, 133: 794–795: D.C. Hodgkin and D.P. Riley, “Some ancient history of protein X-ray analysis.” in Rich and Davidson, eds.. Structural Chemistry. note 1 pp. 15–28: D. Phillips, “Development of concepts of protein structure,” Perspectives in Biology and Medicine. 1986, 29: S124—S131; Social Epistemology, 1992. 6(4), (forthcoming).
Abir-Am. “The first protein X-ray photo.”
See W.T. Astbury, “Adventures in molecular biology,” The Harvey Lectures (Springfield/ Illinois: Thomas, 1951), pp. 3–44. On Wrinch and Langmuir see Abir-Am, “Synergy or clash: Disciplinary and marital strategies in the career of mathematical biologist Dorothy M. Wrinch,” note 20.
See Srinivasan et al., eds., The Origins, note 5.
See the list of participants and their affiliations in the Proceedings of the Cold Spring Harbor Synupasiunt on Protein Chemi.sty (1938), op. cit.. note I 5.
J.D. Bemal, The Social Function of Science (London: Routledge, 1939), chapter 8 which discusses science in various countries. science and national characteristics, science and fascism and science and socialism. See also Werskey. The Visible College and A. Sinclair, The Red and the Blue: Cambridge, Treason and Intelligence (Boston: Little Brown, 1986).
On Perutz’s work see his Nobel lecture in 1962 in Nobel Lectures in Chemistry (Amsterdam: Elsevier, 1964): idem, “Origins of molecular biology.” New Scientist, 1980, (31 January). pp. 326–329: idem, Is Science Necessary?: Essays on Science and .Scientists (London: Barrie and Jenkins, 1989).
Réunion Internationale du Palais de la Decourerte, 1937, IProceedingsI (Paris: Herman & Cie, 1938).
“Proceedings of the 7th International Congress of Genetics”, Journal of Heredity, 1940, pp. 3–37.
For details see C.H. Waddington, “Some European contributions to the prehistory of molecular biology.” Nature, 1969, 221: 318–321: see also Waddington’s notes and typescript from the meeting in Waddington’s archive, University of Edinburgh Library. For further details see the grant and fellowship files for these individuals at the Rockefeller Archive Center, North Tarrytown, N.Y. as cited in Abir-Am, “The discourse”; see also Astbury’s archive in the library of the University of Leeds; Bemal’s archive in the Manuscript Room of the Cambridge University Library.
On Ephrussi see R.M. Burian. M. Gayon and D.T. Zallen. “Boris Ephrussi and the synthesis of genetics and embryology in S. Gilbert, ed., A Conceptual History of Modern Embryology (New York: Plenum Press. 1991), pp. 207–228; on Timofeeff-Ressovsky see various files in H.J. Muller’s Archive. Lilly Library, University of Indiana and in Max Delbrück’s Archive, Millikan Library, Caltech. See also M. Kuchment, ”The rehabilitation of Timofeeff-Ressovsky during Perestroika in the Soviet Union,“ Lecture at a Colloquium on History of 20th Century Science, Harvard University, 1988; see also D.B. Paul and C.B. Krimbas, ”Nikolai V. Timofeef-Ressovsky,“ Scientific American, 1992, 226: 86–92.
V. and B. Karp, eds., Louis Rapkine, 1904–1948 (North Bennington, Vermont: The Orpheus Press, 1988); see the chapters by Joseph Needham and Jean Brachet; see also D.T. Zallen, “Louis Rapkine and the restauration of French science after WW2,” French Historical Studies, 1991, 17:5–37.
Ibid.
See Abir-Am, “How scientists view their heroes” (essay review of Jacques Monod’s memorial volume], Journal of the History of Biology, 1982,15: 281–315.
On post-WWII science policy in the US see B. Smith, American Science Policy after /945 (Washington D.C.: Brookings Institution Press, 1990); W.T. Golden (ed.), Science and Technology Advice to the President, Congress and the Judiciary (Elmsford, New York: Pergamoon Press, 1988); idem, Worldwide Science and Technology Advice to the Highest Levels of Government (Elmsford, New York: Pergamon Press, 1991); see also D. Van Keuren and N. Reingold (eds.), Science and the Federal Patron: Post-WW2 Government Support of American Science (Washington D.C., Smithsonian Institution Press, in press), especially the essays by T. Appel on NSF’s support of biology and J. Hall on AEC’s support of biology and medicine. On science policy relevant to the rise of molecular biology in the UK see A. Landsborough Thomson, Half a Century of Medical Research, Vol. 1: Origins and Policy of the Medical Research Council; Vol. 2: The Programme of the Medical Research Council (London H.M.S.O., 1973, 1975); J.C. Kendrew [Chairman]. Report of the Working Group on Molecular Biology (London: H.M.S.O., 1968); D. Phillips, “The role of the Advisory Board of Research Councils in the UK,” lecture at a conference on science policy, Queen’s Colledge, Oxford, July 1986; for science policy relevant to the rise of molecular biology in France see P.G. Abir-Am and M. Callon, “Science policy toward molecular biology from the 1930s to the Fifth Republic,” lecture at the Centennial Meeting of the Pasteur Institute, Paris, June 10,1988: X. Polanco, “Le CNRS, la DGRST et la biologie moleculaire en France,” in Cahiers pour l’Histoire du CNRS (Paris: Editions du CNRS, 1990), 7:49–90; H. Paul, “Le CNRS, moyen d’une politique de la science,” ibid., 5:31–41; J-P. Gaudilliere, “La biochimie au CNRS,” ibid., 7:91–147; idem, “Un espace institutionnel pour la biologie moléculaire: Les actions concertées de la DGRST,” in Biologie moléculaire et biologistes dans les années soixante: La naissance d’une discipline: Le cas Français (Ph.D. thesis, Université de Paris VII, 19911), pp. 70–103. See also J-F. Picard, La république des savants: La recherche française et le C.N.R.S (Paris: Flammarion, 1990).
See E. Chargaff, Heraclitean Fire, Sketches of a Life before Nature (New York: Rockefeller University Press. 1978); Abir-Am, From biochemistry to molecular biology: DNA and the acculturated journey of the critic of science Erwin Chargaff.“ History and Philosopha’ of Life Sciences. 1980. 2:3 — 60.
See Cold Spring Harbor Symposium on Heredity and Variation in Microorganisms, Cold Spring Harbor Symposium on Viruses (Cold Spring Harbor, New York: Cold Spring Laboratory Press. 1951: 1953, respectively). See also Abir-Am, “How scientists view their heroes;” J. Sapp, Beyond the Gene: Cytoplasmic Inheritance and the Struggle fbr Authority in Genetics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), especially chapter 5; R. Burian, J. Gayon and D. Linen, The singular fate of genetics in the history of French biology. 1900–1940,“ Journal Of the History Of Biology. 1988 21: 357–402; Gaudilliere, Biologie moleculaire, see note 38.
See Lwoff and Ullmann, eds. Origins; Monod and Borek, eds. Microbes and L4è; AbirAm, “How scientists view their heroes;” idem, “Research schools of molecular biology in the US, UK and France.”
See G. Cohen, “Four decades of Franco-American collaboration in biochemistry and molecular biology, Perspectives in Biology and Medicine, 1986, 29: S141–148; F. Jacob, The Statue Within, An Autobiography (New York, Basic Books, 1988).
See details in J.D. Watson, The Double Helix (New York: New American Library, 1968): Olby, The Path to the Double Helix, Section V.
On this episode see Watson, The Double Helix: Olby, The Path to the Double Helix: Judson, The Eighth Day of Creation; A. Serafini, Lanus Pauling, A Man and his Science (New York: Paragon Books, 1989); L. Pauling, “My troubles with the State Department in the 1950s,” session on “Science in the 1950s”. History of Science Society Annual Meeting, October 29, 1990; also answers to questions from the audience including a question from P.G. Abir-Am on whether the passport difficulties adversely affected his scientific work (in view of a previous speculation by the editors of the biographical issue in Daedalus 197(1 that the lack of access to the British data prevented Pauling from discovering the double helix). See also D. Kevles, “Cold war and hot physics: Science, security, and the American state”, Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences, 1990, 20:239–264.
On messenger RNA see Jacob, The Statue Within; Francois Gros. The messenger.“ in Lwoff and Ullmann, eds., Origins, pp. 117–125; Judson, The Eighth Day of Creation, Section II.
See A. Lwoff, “Jacques Lucien Monod, 1910–1976,” in Lwoff and Ullmann, eds., Origins; J. Monod, Introduction to Leo Szilard: Collected Works, Vol. 1, pp. 1–23, B. Feld and G. Weiss Szilard, eds. (Cambridge, MA.: MIT Press. 1972). See also W. Lanoette, Genius in the Shadows: A Biography of Leo Ssilard (New York: Scribner’s, 1992).
“Bi-lateral agreement between US and Italy,” Science, 1967, 158:813; see also E.J. Merton, “Investing in universities: Genesis of the NSF’s institutional programs. 1958–1963,” Journal of Policy History, 1990, 2:131–156; idem, A Patron for Pure Science: National Science Foundation’s Formative Years (Washington D.C., NSF, 1982). See also Appel and Hall in Van Keuren and Reingold (eds.), Science and the Federal Patron, op. cit.,note 38 and Abir-Am, `The politics of macro-molecules: Molecular biologists, biochemists, and rhetoric.“ Osiris, 1992, 7:210–237.
J. Kendrew, (Chairman), Report of the Working Group on Molecular Biology (London, H.M.S.O.. 1968, no. 3752). See also Abir-Am, “The politics,” note 48.
See the part on France in note 38.
J. Kendrew, “European Molecular Biology Organization,” Nature, 1968. 218: 840–842: [Special correspondent], “The EMBO question debated,” Nature. 1969. 224: 406–407; J. Tonic. “A brief history of the European Molecular Biology Organization (EMBU).” The EMBU Journal, 1981, 2:1–6; idem, “The role of European Molecular Biology Organization (EMBU) and European Molecular Biology Conference (EMBC) in European molecular biology (1970–1983),” Perspectives in Biology and Medicine, 1986, 29: S38—S46; L. Philipson, “The European Molecular Biology Laboratory: An international collaborative effort,” Perspectives in Biology and Medicine, 1986, 29: S96—S106.
See J.T. Edsall, “Jeffries Wyman and myself: A study of two interacting lives,” in G. Semenza (ed.), Selected Topics in the History of Biochemistry: Personal Recollections (Comprehensive Biochemistry, vol. 36), (Amsterdam: Elsevier, 1985), 99–195. See also, C. Debru, Philosophie Moléculaire: Monod, Wyman, Changeux (Paris: Vrin, 1987).
Kellenberger and Maaloe had close links with members of the American research school of phage genetics, see for example their contribution to Cairns, Stent and Watson eds. Phage and the Origins of Molecular Biology, note 2; Tissiére was a collaborator of Watson on the messenger-RNA experiments (see above) while Katzir was based at the internationally renowned Weizman Institute; on the latter see E. Katchalsky-Katzir, “From highmolecular-weight protein models to enzyme engineering: Research at the Weizman Institute of Science,” Perspectives in Biology and Medicine, 1986, 29: S73—S86.
See Perspectives in Biology and Medicine, 1986, 29: [Supplement] S16 —S21 7.
See for example J.T. Edsall, “Understanding blood and haemoglobin: An example of international relations in science,” Perspectives in Biology and Medicine, 1986, 29: S107 —S 123; Phillips; “Development of concepts of protein structure,” pp. S124–130, ibid., R.R. Porter, “Antibody structure and the antibody workshop, 1958–1965,” ibid., S: 1615165; G.J.V. Nossal, “Turning points in cellular immunology: The skein untangled through a global invisible college,” ibid., S 166—S177; B. Benaceraff, “The glorious days of cellular immunology: New York University years and beyond, an international experience,” ibid., S178—S183; J.B. Stanbury, “A case report on international cooperation in the study of thyroid disease,” ibid., 5205—S213.
See especially C.B. Anfinsen, “The international influence of the Carlsberg Laboratory of protein chemistry,” ibid., S87—S89; Mario Andreoli, “The role and significance of international cooperation in the biomedical sciences: Endocrinology research at the University of Rome,” ibid., S218—S221; J.A. Steitz, “Shaping research in gene expression: Role of the Cambridge MRC Laboratory of Molecular Biology,” ibid., S90–95.
See Edsall, “Understanding blood and haemoglobin”; M. Brunori and J. Wyman, “The alpha-helix expedition in the Amazon: A special case for international collaboration,” ibid., S138–5140.
H. Danielsson, “Collaboration and mobility in biomedical research: Role of the European Medical Research Councils,” ibid., S47—S56; J. Wyngaarden, “The evolving role of governmental and private American organizations in support of international cooperation in biomedical sciences,” ibid., S8—S20; D. Evered, “Current policies and research organization relating to international scientific collaboration,” S34—S37; C.V. Kidd, “International mobility of hioscicntists: Trends and perceptions, country by country,” S21—S33: Philipson, The European Molecular Biology Laboratory.“
Philipson, “The European Molecular Biology Laboratory,” pp. S98—S 101.
For a historical framework which stimulated this paper’s notion of an “international space” as constitutive of molecular biology see E. Crawford, “The universe of international science, 1880–1939,” in T. Frängsmyr, ed., Solomon’s House Revisited: The Organisation and Institutionalisation of Science, (Canton, MA: Science History Publications 1990), pp. 251–269. See also P. Bourdieu, “Social space and symbolic power”, Sociological Theory, 1989, 7:18–26.
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Abir-Am, P. (1993). From Multidisciplinary Collaboration to Transnational Objectivity: International Space as Constitutive of Molecular Biology, 1930–1970. In: Crawford, E., Shinn, T., Sörlin, S. (eds) Denationalizing Science. Sociology of the Sciences A Yearbook, vol 16. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-1221-7_6
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