Skip to main content

The Former Anglo-German Boundary

  • Chapter
  • 54 Accesses

Abstract

The boundaries of the British and German possessions in New Guinea had been agreed upon in 1885 and 1886.1 The chief purpose of the New Guinea mainland boundary, as laid down in the Agreement of 1885, was merely to provide a fair and equitable territorial division— with Germany supposedly receiving a slightly larger slice. Actually, the Germans got less because Lord Granville conveniently, although probably unintentionally, underestimated the British share by some 27,000 square miles.2 Nor were the absentee boundary makers appalled by the thought that the whole of the rugged New Guinea interior was terra incognita: the agreement brazenly asserts that the territorial dividing line ‘would nearly approach the water-parting line, or natural boundary’.3 Penetration of the Highlands in the early 1930s destroyed this myth. There is a central cordillera dividing north and south, but rather than a single chain it consists of a complex system of ranges with deep intermontane valleys, several of which lie well to the north of the territorial dividing line. The headwaters of several rivers are on one side of the line, their mouths on the other. The upper tributaries of the Purari, for example, not only come from the Kubor range but even from the Sepik-Wahgi and Ramu-Purari divides—north of Mt Hagen, Minj, and Goroka. This was discovered in 1930-1 by gold prospectors M. J. Leahy and M. I. Dwyer of the Mandated Territory when the river they followed from the Ramu plateau took them, much to their surprise, to the Gulf of Papua.4

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution.

Buying options

Chapter
USD   29.95
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
eBook
USD   74.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as EPUB and PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever

Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout

Purchases are for personal use only

Learn about institutional subscriptions

Preview

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.

References

  1. For the relevant documents see D. & C. (Docs. C. 1 and C. 2).

    Google Scholar 

  2. Granville gave the size of the British portion as ‘about 63,000 square miles’; the actual size is about 90,540 square miles (A.R.T.P., 1962-3, p. 13).

    Google Scholar 

  3. See D. & C. (Doc. C. 1).

    Google Scholar 

  4. K. L. Spinks, ‘Mapping the Purari Plateau, New Guinea’, G.J., vol. LXXXIV (1934), p. 413.

    Google Scholar 

  5. H. C. Brookfield, ‘An Assessment of Natural Resources’ in New Guinea on the Threshold (E. K. Fisk, ed., Canberra, 1966), p. 63.

    Google Scholar 

  6. See Territory of Papua and New Guinea, Department of Native Affairs, Village Directory; 1960 (Port Moresby, 1961) under Southern Highlands, Gulf, Central, Eastern Highlands, Western Highlands, Sepik, and Morobe Districts.

    Google Scholar 

  7. H.C.T., vol. XXI (London, 1901), pp. 1178-80. Reproduced in D. & C. (Doc. C. 4).

    Google Scholar 

  8. H.C.T., vol. XXIII (London, 1905), pp. 800-1. Reproduced in D. & C. (Doc. C. 5).

    Google Scholar 

  9. H.C.T., vol. XXIV (London, 1907), pp. 474-6. Reproduced in D. & C. (Doc. C. 6). The author wishes to thank the Hydrographer of the British Navy for supplying a copy of the 1885 and 1909 editions of British Admiralty Chart No. 329.

    Google Scholar 

  10. S. S. Mackenzie, The Australians at Rabaul; the Capture and Administration of the German Possessions in the Southern Pacific (being Vol. X of Official History of Australia in the War of 1914–1918) (4th ed., Sydney, 1937), pp. 82–3, 148 ff.

    Google Scholar 

  11. Ibid., p. 160. Italics added.

    Google Scholar 

  12. C.D. Rowley, The Australians in German New Guinea, 1914–1921 (Melbourne, 1958), p. 269.

    Google Scholar 

  13. C.P.D., H. of R., vol. CCI (1 Mar. 1949), p. 757.

    Google Scholar 

  14. MacGregor to Lamington, A.R.B.N.G., 1896-7, pp. 39–40. Reproduced in D. & C. (Doc. C. 3).

    Google Scholar 

  15. F. H. Villiers to Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies, 31 Jan. 1898. C.A.O., A 1, 14/4329.

    Google Scholar 

  16. H. H. Lewis in Department of External Affairs Minute Paper, 12 June 1906, ibid. Reproduced in D. & C. (Doc. C. 7).

    Google Scholar 

  17. Elgin to Lord Northcote, 31 Jan. 1907, ibid. In the intervening period, Acting Administrator A. Musgrave made one general recommendation regarding border control in his despatch of 24 March 1903. Although strongly in favour of demarcating the border—a matter which hardly could be left unattended much longer without ‘imminent danger’ of ‘international claims and complications’—Musgrave doubted that this could be accomplished soon and suggested that in the interim ‘an Officer duly qualified to communicate, as necessity may arise, with the German Official in authority on the other side of the border’ be appointed (Musgrave to Governor-General, 24 March 1903, C.A.O., A 1, 03/3921). The suggestion was brushed aside by Atlee Hunt on grounds of expense and the absence of proof of any immediate necessity for such an officer (Minute Paper, Dept. of External Affairs, 30 July 1903, ibid.).

    Google Scholar 

  18. Barton to Deakin, ibid.

    Google Scholar 

  19. In Memorandum from Governor-General’s Office to Prime Minister Deakin, 2 Nov. 1906, ibid.

    Google Scholar 

  20. Memorandum by Atlee Hunt, 14 Nov. 1906, ibid.

    Google Scholar 

  21. Department of External Affairs Minute Paper (second section, 2 Nov. 1908), ibid. Reproduced in D. & C. (Doc. C. 7).

    Google Scholar 

  22. Ibid.

    Google Scholar 

  23. Elgin to Lord Northcote, 21 Oct. 1907, ibid.

    Google Scholar 

  24. Hunt to Le Hunte, 25 May 1908, ibid.

    Google Scholar 

  25. Le Hunte to Hunt, 27 May 1908, ibid. Reproduced in D. & C. (Doc. C. 8). ‘Winter’ is Sir Francis Winter, Acting Administrator, Nov. 1898–Mar. 1899.

    Google Scholar 

  26. C.P.D., H. of R., vol. XLVI (7 May 1908), p. 10,965.

    Google Scholar 

  27. ‘Arrest of a Village Constable on the Waria by German Officials’, Department of External Affairs Minute Paper, 29 Oct. 1908 (referring to a request to the Governor-General to inform the Secretary of State for the Colonies, 7 May 1908). C.A.O., A 1, 14/4329.

    Google Scholar 

  28. F. Lascelles to Sir Edward Grey, 10 Sept. 1908 (ibid.).

    Google Scholar 

  29. W. E. Freiherr von Schoen to J. Salis, 28 Oct. 1908 (translation, forwarded by Salis to Grey), ibid.

    Google Scholar 

  30. Sabine to Minister for External Affairs, 10 Dec. 1909 (hereafter referred to as Sabine Report), pp. 1-2 (ibid.). Partly reproduced in D. & C. (Doc. C. 9).

    Google Scholar 

  31. Sabine Report, p. 10.

    Google Scholar 

  32. Ibid., p. 11.

    Google Scholar 

  33. Deutsche Kolonialzeitung, Jahrgang 27, No. 20 (14 May 1910), p. 330.

    Google Scholar 

  34. P. A. Graf Wolff Metternich to Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (translation), 21 June 1910. C.A.O., A 1, 14/4329.

    Google Scholar 

  35. Sabine Report, pp. 17-18. The section containing Sabine’s recommendations were omitted from the report when it was transmitted to the German government.

    Google Scholar 

  36. Staniforth Smith to J. H. P. Murray, n.d., ibid. Reproduced in D. & C. (Doc. C. 10).

    Google Scholar 

  37. Murray to Minister of State for External Affairs, 9 Dec. 1909, ibid.

    Google Scholar 

  38. F. A. Campbell to Count Metternich, 25 July 1910, ibid.

    Google Scholar 

  39. Letter of Count Metternich, 14 June 1911. C.A.O., A 1, 24/4558.

    Google Scholar 

  40. Lichnowsky to Sir Edward Grey, 22 July 1913, ibid.

    Google Scholar 

  41. P.R. of S. A. Greenland (Apr.–May 1913). C.A.O., CP 1 (Territory), series 35/229.

    Google Scholar 

  42. P.R. of C. T. Wuth (July–Aug. 1914). Ibid., series 35/240.

    Google Scholar 

  43. P.R. of W. Beaver (Oct.–Nov. 1914), ibid.

    Google Scholar 

  44. Hermann Detzner, Vier Jahre unter Kannibalen… (Berlin, 1921), pp. 15, 55.

    Google Scholar 

  45. H. C. Brookfield, ‘The Highland Peoples of New Guinea; A Study of Distribution and Localization’, G.J., vol. CXXVII (1961), p. 436.

    Google Scholar 

  46. J. G. Hides, Papuan Wonderland (London and Glasgow, 1936), passim.

    Google Scholar 

  47. W. R. Humphries, Patrolling in Papua (London, 1923), p. 28.

    Google Scholar 

  48. E. W. P. Chinnery, ‘The Central Ranges of the Mandated Territory of New Guinea from Mount Chapman to Mount Hagen’, G.J., vol. LXXXIV (1934), p. 399.

    Google Scholar 

  49. A.R.T.N.G., 1933-4, p. 96

    Google Scholar 

  50. A.R.T.N.G., 1935-6, p. 90.

    Google Scholar 

  51. L.N.PM.C. Minutes, xxxI (1937), p. 149.

    Google Scholar 

  52. See Rowley, op. cit., pp. 14, 284.

    Google Scholar 

  53. Ibid., pp. 14-15.

    Google Scholar 

  54. C.P.P., vol. III, 1920-1. Interim and Final Reports of Royal Commission on Late German New Guinea (hereafter Murray Report).

    Google Scholar 

  55. Ibid. See also Rowley, op. cit., pp. 286-8, 302-8.

    Google Scholar 

  56. Murray Report, pp. 27-8, 52.

    Google Scholar 

  57. C.P.D., H. of R., vol. cxxxIV (28 Apr. 1932), p. 73. In answer to a question in the Permanent Mandates Commission about the meaning of the term ‘co-ordinate’, the accredited representative of the Mandatory Power, Sir Donald C. Cameron, answered (rather ambiguously) that ‘he felt sure this referred to the co-ordination of the services within the Commonwealth and that it had nothing to do with the merging of the territories in question’. L.N.P.M.C. Minutes, XXII (1932), p. 59.

    Google Scholar 

  58. Those interested in pursuing the issue of a combined administration further should request access to AD 800/1/3, O 800/1/1, and Z 800/1/3 of CP 141 in C.A.O.

    Google Scholar 

  59. C.P.P., vol. III, 1937–40. Report of Committee Appointed to survey the Possibility of Establishing a Combined Administration of the Territories of Papua and New Guinea, and to make a Recommendation as to a Capital Site … No. 230.-F. 5621 (hereafter Eggleston Report).

    Google Scholar 

  60. Ibid., p. 19.

    Google Scholar 

  61. Ibid., p. 7.

    Google Scholar 

  62. Ibid., pp. 26-7.

    Google Scholar 

  63. Ibid., p. 34.

    Google Scholar 

  64. Ibid., pp. 35-6. The case in which Mr Justice Evatt gave his opinion is Ffrost v. Stevenson, 58 Commonwealth Law Reports (1937), pp. 528-617.

    Google Scholar 

  65. Eggleston Report, p. 28.

    Google Scholar 

  66. Ibid., p. 29. Italics added.

    Google Scholar 

  67. Note of the Australian Representative on the Trusteeship Council, 3 July 1948. U.N.T.C.O.R., Third Session, Suppl. Doc. T/138/Add. 1, p. 25.

    Google Scholar 

  68. Ibid., p. 26.

    Google Scholar 

  69. U.N.T.S., vol. VIII (1947), I, No. 122, p. 184.

    Google Scholar 

  70. U.N.T.C.O.R., Third Session, Suppl. Doc. T/138/ Add. 1, pp. 24, 27.

    Google Scholar 

  71. Ibid., Annex A, pp. 27-48.

    Google Scholar 

  72. Ibid., Doc. T/202, p. 210.

    Google Scholar 

  73. Ibid., p. 211. For the specific clauses referred to see the above-cited Doc. T/138/Add. 1, pp. 31, 45.

    Google Scholar 

  74. Relevant sections of the Papua-New Guinea Bill 1949 are reproduced in D. & C. (Doc. C. 11). For the debate in the House of Representatives of the Australian Parliament, see C.P.D., 1948-9, vol. CCI, pp. 250-7, 735-77, 842-920, 968-88. Leading spokesmen for the Liberal-Country Party opposition maintained that the Bill could not be considered ‘apart from strategic considerations and the foreign policy of this country’ and that the main point at issue was whether the government’ should ever have permitted the placing of New Guinea under international trusteeship’ (Percy C. Spender, H. of R., 2 Mar. 1949, p. 853). In the Senate, the Leader of the Opposition maintained that Australia should have secured for New Guinea the position of a’ strategic trust territory’: ‘Because of the tremendous sacrifice made by Australia in two World Wars to defend New Guinea we should regard the territory as our own. The territory should have been declared a strategic area so that we could defend it as an integral part of Australia, and could collaborate with the Dutch in improving its defences’ (W. J. Cooper, Senate, 9 Mar. 1949, p. 1109).

    Google Scholar 

  75. U.N.G.A.O.R., Fourth Session, Suppl. No. 4 (A/933), p. 101 (Report of the Trusteeship Council, 1948-9).

    Google Scholar 

  76. U.N.G.A.O.R., Fourth Session, Resolutions (20 Sept.–10 Dec. 1949), A/1251, p. 40.

    Google Scholar 

  77. U.N.G.A.O.R., Fifth Session, Suppl. No. 4 (A/1306), p. 183 (Report of the Trusteeship Council, 1949-50).

    Google Scholar 

  78. U.N.T.C.O.R., Twenty-Sixth Session, Annexes (XXVI, 6), Doc. T/L. 983 (7 June 1960), p. 4.

    Google Scholar 

  79. Yearbook of the United Nations 1960 (New York, 1961 ), pp. 44-50.

    Google Scholar 

  80. U.N.G.A.O.R., Sixteenth Session, Plenary Meetings, vol. I (1035th meeting, 13 Oct. 1961), p. 433. Plimsoll’s statement is preceded more than a decade before by a similar comment made by the Australian Representative in the Trusteeship Council: ‘He [the Australian Representative] also stated that the Australian Government had repeatedly pointed out that, when the inhabitants of the two territories had attained a certain degree of development, they would be free to choose the form of government which suited them and, in particular, would be free to decide whether they wished the Administrative Union to continue or whether they wanted to become independent.’ U.N.G.A.O.R., Fifth Session, Suppl. No. 4 (A/1306), p. 195 (Report of the Trusteeship Council, 1949–50). Italics added. The discussion in C. D. Rowley, ‘The Debate that wasn’t; White Australia Got in the Way’, New Guinea, vol. I (Mar–Apr. 1965), pp. 15, 17, creates, therefore, a slightly erroneous impression. Rowley is right, however, when he notes (p. 17) that Australia was on the defensive at the time and at pains to point out that administrative union did not mean absorption and loss of the separate identity of the Trust Territory. The question by United States member, Francis B. Sayre, ‘What features were possessed by political unions which this administrative union did not possess?’ is identical with the one raised by H. L. Murray in 1939 (cited by Rowley in ‘Administrative Union’ (I), South Pacific, vol. V (June 1952), p. 335.

    Google Scholar 

  81. Rowley, ‘The Debate that wasn’t…’, p. 17.

    Google Scholar 

  82. Territory of Papua and New Guinea. Electoral (Open Electorates) Ordinance 1963, No. 42 of 1963 (Port Moresby, 1964), pp. 6-7, 9-10. In the case of Ialibu, there are about 900 square miles and 21,000 people on the Papuan side and about 500 square miles and 32,000 people on the Trust Territory side. The location of the electoral boundaries and the respective populations involved can be pieced together from the above electoral legislation; Polling Places 1964 (Preliminary Guide only), sheets 24, 29, 33, and 35; and the Department of Native Affairs, Village Directory; 1960 (Port Moresby, 1961), pp. 58-9, 66; 43-5, 74, 80-1. A Question was raised by the Member for the West Papua Special Electorate, R. T. D. Neville, as to whether or not a change of administrative boundaries was contemplated for the Southern Highlands District. The Assistant Administrator (Services), Dr J. T. Gunther, replied that the District Boundaries Committee was ‘at present examining proposals to change administrative boundaries in the Highlands’ and would report to the Administrator when the examination had been completed. H A.D., vol. I, No. 5 (21 May 1965), pp. 709-10.

    Google Scholar 

  83. The rather anti-German Brunsdon Fletcher commented:’ soon British planters realised how thoroughly Germany had spied out the land when in the rearrangements of 1900 over Samoa she agreed to take only the islands of Bougainville and Buka with their teeming population, and left to Great Britain the islands denuded of people by head-hunting and massacres—except that Malaita, with a specially bad name for cannibalism and bestiality, was still good recruiting ground [for native labour].’ C. Brunsdon Fletcher, Stevenson’s Germany; the Case against Germany in the Pacific (London, 1920), p. 79. It may be noted that the Anglo-German Convention of 1904 (see D. & C. Doc. C. 6) defines the boundary between Bougainville and Shortland and Fauro islands with points [B-F] which are intersections of meridians and parallels; the Papua-New Guinea Bill 1949 (see Second Schedule in Doc. C. 11, D. & C.) takes advantage of provision II (alternative) of the 1904 Convention by employing points [B1-F1] fixed by rays from known features along the coast (see Fig. 7). For a comment on the boundary line see also above, p. 39.

    Google Scholar 

  84. Fletcher, The New Pacific: British Policy and German Aims (London, 1917), p. 199.

    Google Scholar 

  85. Ibid., p. 231.

    Google Scholar 

  86. Ibid., pp. 207-8.

    Google Scholar 

  87. Murray Report, pp. 48-9.

    Google Scholar 

  88. Ibid., p. 60.

    Google Scholar 

  89. Sir Charles Jeffries, Transfer of Power: Problems of the Passage to Self-Government (New York, 1961), p. 134.

    Google Scholar 

  90. British Solomon Islands Protectorate. Proposals for the Election of Members to the British Solomon Islands Legislative Council (Honiara, 1963).

    Google Scholar 

Download references

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

Authors

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

Copyright information

© 1966 Springer Science + Business Media B.V.

About this chapter

Cite this chapter

van der Veur, P.W. (1966). The Former Anglo-German Boundary. In: Search for New Guinea’s Boundaries. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-015-3620-2_4

Download citation

  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-015-3620-2_4

  • Publisher Name: Springer, Dordrecht

  • Print ISBN: 978-94-015-2371-4

  • Online ISBN: 978-94-015-3620-2

  • eBook Packages: Springer Book Archive

Publish with us

Policies and ethics