Abstract
Within two years after his return from Italy, Honthorst executed a painting which was revolutionary for the decoration of Dutch interiors. His 1622 signed and dated Musical Ceiling. Collection F. Stonor, London (Cat. Rais. 198; fig. 4), marked the beginning of illusionistic ceiling decoration in the Netherlands.1 Prior to that time, Dutch ceilings usually consisted of natural oak beams, often painted in a warm redbrown or green, and as a rule, were decorated with carved ornaments such as Hon heads and family crests.2 This break with the traditional Dutch ceiling decoration was not widespread, but it was the beginning of an interest in Italian illustionistic ceilings and an attempt to employ this decorative style in private Dutch homes which later extended to town halls and palaces.
This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.
Access this chapter
Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout
Purchases are for personal use only
Preview
Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.
References
I know of no earlier illusionistic ceiling decoration painted in the Netherlands, but one must always remember that such interior decorations could have been destroyed.
K. Sluyterman, Huisraad en Binnenhuis in Nederland in Vroegere Eeuwen,.’ s-Gravenhage, 1918, p. 37.
The author has not found any documentary evidence for this statement, but a note by Professor Willem Vogelsang on an old photograph in the Kunsthistorisch Instituut, Rijksuniversiteit te Utrecht, states that the picture came from a seventeenth-century house on Nieuwe Gracht 6 in Utrecht.
The painting covered the beams of such a room or studiolo and was held in place by nails. For a good example of such an installation see Leonaert Bramer’s Ceiling. in the Prinsenhof, Delft (H. Wichmann, Leonaert Bramer,. Leipzig, 1923, no. 161). There the figures are painted on planks nailed to and covering the smaller beams while the larger beams are visible and destroy the illusionism by dividing the ceiling into sections.
I should like to thank Helen Noë for pointing this out to me in B. Berenson, Lotto,. Milan, 1955, p. 113, fig. 257.
For an illustration see A. Venturi, op. cit.,. IX, Part 4, fig. 24.
R. Pallucchini, op. cit.,. 1945, p. 50, no. 23, fig. 18.
Cf. Paolo Veronese’s Harmony,. Villa Barbaro, Maser (For an illustration see A. Venturi, op. cit.,. Vol. IX, Part 4, fig. 581.).
F. Zeri, “The Pallavicini Palace and Gallery in Rome 1: The Palace,” The Connoisseur,. CXXXVI (1955), 186f., figs. 3, 4. Zeri writes that it is possible to guess that this fresco was of great importance in the development of Caravaggesque influence in Europe, particularly Holland. He goes on to say that not only the details but whole passages were taken up by a number of painters, among whom Hendrik Terbrugghen and Gerrit van Honthorst are the most noteable. Judging from the reproductions, this last statement seems exaggerated.
As we have noted earlier, Cardinal Scipione Borghese was one of Honthorst’s more important Italian patrons (Chapter I, p. 12). It is also interesting to note that one of the principal architects working for Cardinal Scipione Borghese at this time, was Jan van der Santen who also came from Utrecht. For a discussion of the possible connection between Honthorst and van der Santen see Chapter II, p. 29.
J. Hess, “Die Gemälde des Orazio Gentileschi, Etc.,” English Miscellany,. III (1952), 179, speaks of Honthorst’s 1622 Musical Ceiling. as a brillant imitation of the illusionistic style of Agostino Tassi.
There are two drawings of illusionistic ceiling compositions attributed to Bramer; one signed “Bramer fe.,” which might also be included in this group. The drawing is not mentioned in H. Wichmann, op. cit.,. but it was sold at auction in London (Sotheby, 17-6-1936, no. 87, Collection Warwick).
S. W. A. Drossaers, op. cit.,. p. 231.
D. F. Slothouwer, De Paleizen van Frederik Hendrik,. Leiden, 1946, p. 151f., writes that the picture was in the ante-chamber of the second floor reception hall.
For an illustration see Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, De Triomf van het Manniërisme,. 1955, no. 154, fig. 38.
This type of Honthorst musical figure meant to be seen from below was taken up around 1627 by Terbrugghen in his Young Singer,. Gothenburg Museum. For an illustration and a not too convincing attempt to read the date as 1629 see M. E. Houtzager, op. cit.,. VI, 1955, p. 148f., fig. 3.
An interesting forerunner of the dell’ Abate painting is the ca. 1532 fresco by Roma-nino in the Castello del Buon Consiglio, Trento (A. Venturi, op. cit.,. IX, Part 3, fig. 587) where there is a group of seated entertainers in very much the same arrangement as dell’ Abate’s.
This composition (for an illustration see ibid.,. Vol. IX, Part 4, fig. 581) is the closest to the Honthorst that I know, however, there may have been others even more closely related.
There is a print by Jacob Gole in the Print Room of the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, after a painting signed by Domenichino of Half-length Musicians. around a table with a large curtain hanging along the upper-left side and top of the composition. They are Italian entertainers and, as types, seem to follow in the dell’ Abate tradition. Because of the uncertainty surrounding the picture, it can not be used as a definite source for Honthorst, but it is worth considering.
D. F. Slothouwer, op. cit.,. p. 268.
F. W. Hudig, op. cit.,. p. 22, writes that this hall was primarily used for great dinners given after hunts.
E. Plietzsch, “Paulus Bor,” Jahrbuch der Königlich Preuszischen Kunstsammlungen,. XXXVII (1916), figs. 4, 5.
A. von Schneider, op. cit.,. 1933, p. 22.
D. F. Slothouwer, op. cit.,. p. 301.
Ibid.,. p. 132.
J. von Sandrart, op. cit.,. p. 304.
For an illustration see D. F. Slothouwer, op. cit.,. fig. 38.
There is a similar group in The Hague which came from Constantijn Huygens’ house (The Hague, Musée Royal des Tableaux Mauritshuis à La Haye,. 1935, p. 155f.,no. 104).
F. W. Hudig, op. cit.,. p. 23, writes that van Campen was responsible for the decorative scheme.
Ibid.,. p. 23.
This tradition of balustrade decoration in the Netherlands continued late into the seventeenth century and, for example, is found in the decoration of the large Room of State in the Binnenhof, The Hague, executed by Nicolas Wiebengh and Anthonie de Haen in 1663–64. For an illustration see F. A. J. Vermeulen, Geschiedenis der Nederlandsche Bouwkunst,. 1941, fig. 845.
A. von Schneider, op. cit.,. 1933, p. 75, fig. 31b, writes of the connection between Bronchorst and Honthorst. Schneider speaks of the Concert. in Brunswick as a remembrance of Honthorst’s Louvre painting in the arrangement and spacing of the figures.
One might also mention Gysbert van der Kuyl’s monogrammed and dated Concert. of 1662, Stichting Nederlands Kunstbezit, which is also a later work in the Honthorst tradition. For an illustration see B. J. A. Renckens, “Gysbert van der Kuyl,” Kunsthistorische Mededeelingen,. I (1947), 5, fig. 1.
This painting was originally one of a series which decorated the Hiob Poor House in Utrecht (Utrecht, op. cit.,. 1952, p. 27f., fig. 38).
J. von Sandrart, op. cit.,. p. 303.
See Chapter III, pp. 57.
The postscript of a letter written by Sir Balthazar Gerbier to the Secretary of the Duke of Buckingham dated April 5, 1628 reads: “I trust you will not forget to bring Mr. Honthorst; for the Duke intends to employ him, as well as his Majesty, who will give him cause not to complain of crossing the sea.” (W. H. Carpenter, Pictorial Notices,. London, 1844, p. 180). This postcript also makes it fairly certain that Honthorst was not invited to England as a trial candidate for the position of Court Painter as has been suggested by E. Water-house, Paintings in Britain, 1530–1790,. Melbourne, London, Baltimore, 1953, p. 41.
O. Millar, op. cit.,. XCVI (1954), 36.
O. Millar, loc. cit.,. writes that Sandrart (op. cit.,. p. 303) was probably on less certain ground in his reference to the placing of the picture when it had been completed. If one can believe all of the other points cited in Sandrart’s description, it seems illogical to discard his last statement. Perhaps the position of the picture was changed in the 1630’s before van der Doort saw it “in Store at Whitehall at this time in ye Passage roome betwene ye Banquetting house & the privie Lodgings” (Bodleian Library, M. S. Ash-mole, 1514, fol. 173).
Millar has reidentified the figures in the Hampton Court painting through Sandrart’s description in the Teutsche Académie. (p. 303) which reads as follows: “sein Ruhm wurde je länger je grösser/ desswegen der König Carl Stuart in Engeland ihn zu sich beruffen/ um sein sehr grosses Werk zu mahlen/ wie nämlich Apollo. und Diana,. (denen er/ des Königs und der Königin Bildnisse gegeben) beysammen hoch auf den Wolken sitzen/ und zusehen/ wie Mercurius. von der Erden/ in Gestalt des Herzogs von Buckingham/ die sieben freye Künste mit sich führet/ und dem König vorstellt/ sehr herrlich und vernünftig gezeichnet/ und treflich in Ausbildung eines jeden besonderer Eigenschaft coloriret. Hingegen wie die schädliche Untugenden/ Neid und Hass/ durch die tugendliche Liebe nidergestürzt werden/ mit noch vielen andern/ so allda in des Banchetin. Hauses Königlichen Saal zu seinen ewigen Ruhm zu sehen/”
Bodleian Library, M. S. Ashmole, 1514, fol. 182.
See H. W. Janson, “A Mythological Portrait of the Emperor Charles V, ” Worcester Art Museum Annual,. I (1935–36), 28f., from whom most of the information in my text concerning this question has been taken.
E. Wind, “Studies in Allegorical Portraiture I,” Journal of the Warburg Institute,. I (1937–38), 138–162.
H. W. Janson, op. cit.,. p. 28f.
Ibid.,. p. 29.
E. Wind, Bellini’s Feast of the Gods,. Cambridge, Mass., 1948, pp. 39–44.
Ibid.,. p. 40, fig. 69.
S.J. Freedberg, Parmigianino,. Cambridge, Mass., 1950, p. 112f.
P. Askew, “Perino del Vaga’s Decorations for the Palazzo Doria, Genoa,” The Burlington Magazine,. XCVIII (1956), 49f.
See J. Seznec, La Survivance des Dieux Antiques,. Studies of the Warburg Institute, edited by F. Saxl, London, 1940, p. 32f., pi. V, fig. 11, for a sixteenth century French example by a follower of Primaticcio who also identifies French royalty with gods and goddesses (L’Olympe Royal: Henri II et sa Cour,. Chateau de Tanlay).
Cf. The Boar Hunt,. formerly the Print Room, Berlin (no. 2804) from about the same time. For an illustration see E. Bock — J. Rosenberg, op. cit.,. pl. 109.
Could it be that the figures in the lower left-hand corner influenced Rubens’ Virtue Overcoming Envy. in the ceiling of the Banqueting House in Whitehall?
O. Millar, op. cit.,. p. 39.
Ibid.,. p. 36.
J. von Sandrart, op. cit.,. p. 304.
O. Millar, op. cit.,. p. 36.
W. H. Carpenter, Antoine van Dyck,. Antwerp, 1845, p. 229, writes that on November 11, 1628 Honthorst was paid 420 pounds and Cornelis Vroom 80 pounds for their services.
Ibid.,. p. 230.
J. von Sandrart, op. cit.,. p. 303f
For the confusion between this painting and the Hampton Court Apollo and Diana. see O. Millar, op. cit.,. p. 39.
W. H. Carpenter, op. cit.,. 1844, p. 181.
W. N. Sainsbury, op. cit.,. p. 295.
W. N. Sainsbury, loc. cit.
Could it be the picture cited in G. J. Hoogewerff, op. cit.,. p. 13, as being in the Collection of the Earl of Essex?
O. Millar, loc. cit.,. states that the Herrenhausen picture was the one sent to England prior to May 22, 1630.
F. Beckett, Kristian IV og Malerkunst,. Copenhagen, 1937, p. 102f.
should like to thank Miss Inger Hjorth Nielsen, assistant in the Department of Prints and Drawing, Royal Museum of Fine Arts, Copenhagen, for her translation of Chapter V of Beckett’s book.
Ibid.,. p. 103. 1,000 Rdlr. (Rigsdaler) in the time of Christian IV were about equal to 100,000 or more Danish Kroner today.
Idem., “Pigen Fra Aethiopien,” Kunstmuseets Aarsskrift,. III (1916–17), 26.
The first painting was meant to have the monogram of the King’s mother and father, the second, Christian IV’s, the third, the monogram of his dead wife and the last, that of the Crown Prince and his wife. (Ibid.,. p. 26.).
Ibid.,. p. 35.
Utrecht, op. cit.,. 1952, p. 63. Utrecht-Antwerpen, Caravaggio en de Niederlanden,. 1952, p. 27f.
This method was to be used later in a still larger decorative scheme also ordered by Christian IV for Kronborg Castle.
W. Stechow, “Heliodorus’ Aethiopica in Art,” Journal of the Warburg Institute,. XVI (1953), 145.
See Chapter I, p. 15, note 2.
S. W. A. Drossaers, op. cit.,. p. 233.
W. Stechow, op. cit.,. XVI (1953), 149ff., further discusses the Bloemaert painting and other Dutch examples of this subjects.
Whether this commission was completed is still a mystery because there is no trace of the engravings, even though the King, in a letter dated January 11, 1648, called attention to the fact that most of the copperplates in the estate of the then deceased Simon van de Passe belonged to the Danish history series and therefore to the King (F. Beckett, op. cit.,. 1937, p. 105).
H. D. Schepelern, “Simon de Pas og andre Kobberstikkre Omkring Christian IV,” Kunstmuseets Aarsskrift,. XXXVIII (1951–52), 27f. Schepelern also points out the fact that Ole Worm appears to have been well acquainted with the project as early as December, 1636 when he wrote in a letter that Simon van de Passe “has been commissioned with more than seventy engravings about the gallant deeds of the old Danish Kings” (Ibid.,. p. 35). F. Beckett, op. cit.,. 1937, p. 106f., has suggested that Worm was responsible for the plan.
H. D. Schepelern, op. cit.,. p. 22f., writes that there was no mature artistic activity in Denmark in the 1630’s and therefore the King had to depend upon his Dutch engraver Simon van de Passe who had many contacts outside Denmark. It must also be pointed out that he still had family ties with Utrecht which may explain, in part, the preponderance of Utrecht artists invited to work on the project (H. D. Schepelern, loc. cit.).
F. Beckett, op. cit.,. 1937, p. 107f.
Ibid.,. p. 107.
Ibid.,. p. 113. Beckett also writes that drawings existed for part of the pictures, and that Honthorst had to send fifteen more drawings to the King. Judging from the amount of money promised to Honthorst, the whole scheme must have been tremendously expensive. It is not known whether it ever was carried out, and it seems doubtful. It must be remembered that the King was limited in his resources and that the project was to be financed, in the main, by the Sound Duties, the revenue of which was considered to be the King’s private income (Ibid.,. p. 103).
Ibid., p. 113.
However, it is known that as late as July 10, 1642, the King was troubled with Simon van de Passe over the delay in delivery of the remainder of the pictures (H. D. Schepelern, op. cit... p. 26f.). The King writes in a letter to one of his advisors that he should be careful because Simon van de Passe gives only words and not pictures.
Claes Moeyart’s Burning of the Corpse of the Heathen King,. Skokloster, Sweden, and Honthorst’s The Baptism of Harald Klak and his Family in Mainz,. Kesäter, Sweden.
F. Beckett, op. cit.,. 1937, figs. 89, 91, 93.
Ibid.,. figs. 88, 90, 94.
Ibid.,. figs. 87, 96, 97, 99, 102, 104.
H. van de Waal, Drie Eeuwen Vaderlandsche Geschied-Uitbeelding, 1500–1800, een Ico-nologische Studie,.’ s-Gravenhage, 1952, p. 105f.
Ibid.,. p. 210. In 1613 Otto Vaenius made twelve paintings from this series which were bought by the States-General of the Netherlands and are now in the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam (Ibid.,. p. 210f.).
F. Beckett ,op. cit.,. 1937, pp. 116, 121, 124, 129, figs. 78, 86-87, 95-98, 99, 102-103.
D. F. Slothouwer, op. cit.,. p. 183.
Ibid., p. 181.
Ibid.,. p. 186f.
J. G. van Gelder, “De Schilders van de Oranjezaal,” Nederlandsch Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek,. 1948–49, pp. 119, 121f.
Idem, “Honthorstiana,” Kunsthistorische Mededeelingen,. I (1946), 56.
D. F. Slothouwer, op. cit.,. p. 189.
Ibid.,. p. 194.
J. G. van Gelder, op. cit.,. I (1946), 56.
Idem., “De Schilders van de Oranjezaal,” Nederlandsch Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek,. 1948–49, p. 122.
One must also remember that Huygens’ colleague working on this plan was Jacob van Campen who also had connections with Rubens, and according to Filippo Baldi-nucci, Notizie dei Professori del Desegno,. Florence, VI, 1728, p. 380, may even have been a pupil of Rubens. For a detailed discussion of Jacob van Campen’s relations with Rubens see P. T. A. Swillens, “Jacob van Campen als Schilder,” Elsevier’s Geillustreerd Maandschrift,. XCVI (1938), 290ff.
See J. G. van Gelder, op. cit.,. 1948–49, pp. 149–154, for a comprehensive list of the artists whose works are to be found in the Oranjezaal.
Cf. Honthorst’s signed and dated 1647 Portrait of Louise Henriette and the Elector of Brandenburg,. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam (no. 1236).
Cf. Rubens’ Birth of Louis XIII at Fontainebleau, Medici Cycle,. Louvre, Paris.
“De trouwdagh van haer Hoogheeden verscelschapt met alle omstandigheijt bij de oude poeten gestelt.” Archief Frederik Hendrik, K. H. A. Nr. 2497 c. For the publication of the document see D. F. Slothouwer, op. cit.,. p. 316.
The author is very much indebted to Jan Emmens for his help in identifying some of the more unusual attributes found in this painting.
G. P. Valeriano, Hieroglyphica,. Basileae, 1556, fol. 370r.
Philostratus, Imagines,. translated by A. Fairbanks, Loeb Classical Library, London and New York, 1931, p. 41.
G. P. Valeriano, op. cit.,. fol. 396r.; C. Ripa, op. cit.,. 1603, p. 307.
Ibid.,. p. 307.
G. P. Valeriano, op. cit.,. fol. 195v.
Cf. Rubens’ The Journey of the Queen to Pont-de-Cé, Medici Cycle,. Louvre, where a demon-faced Michelangelesque angel blows a trumpet. Rubens also used such types in his Fall of the Rebellious Angels, Ältere Pinakothek, Munich.
J. G. van Gelder, op, cit.,. 1948–49, p. 153, no. 29.
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Rights and permissions
Copyright information
© 1956 Springer Science + Business Media B.V.
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Judson, J.R. (1956). Illusionism and Court Decoration. In: Gerrit Van Honthorst. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-9119-7_4
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-9119-7_4
Publisher Name: Springer, Dordrecht
Print ISBN: 978-94-011-8409-0
Online ISBN: 978-94-011-9119-7
eBook Packages: Springer Book Archive