Abstract
One of the major themes in this collection is distance in science, and the problems and opportunities presented by dependence, independence and interdependence; another is the relationship of the central or metropolitan and the peripheral. These things are easy to see in the context of the USA, politically but not yet culturally independent in the nineteenth century, and Australia, still formally a colony into the twentieth century; but they can also be seen within Britain, in the relationships between those in or near London (especially in Oxford and Cambridge) and those in the provinces. The position of somebody in the north of England, like John Dalton, was not so very different from that of a colonial; when he bade farewell to his audience after a course of lectures in London to return to ‘comparative retirement’ in Manchester he sounded like someone going home to a colony.1 The Australian or American experience of being snubbed or patronized happened to Englishmen all the time; and the sort of people who wrote disparagingly about the domestic manners of Americans or Australians reacted in the same way to those of manufacturing districts in their own country. This indeed is classic metropolitan behaviour.
Access this chapter
Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout
Purchases are for personal use only
Preview
Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF.
Notes
H.E. Roscoe and A. Harden, A new View of the Origin of Dalton’s Atomic Theory (London, 1986), P. 122.
M.J.S. Rudwick, The Great Devonian Controversy: The Shaping of Scientific Knowledge among Gentlemanly Specialists (Chicago, 1985)
C.A. Russell, Science and Social Change, 1700–1900 (London, 1983)
D.M. Knight, The Age of Science (Oxford, 1986, new. ed. 1988).
J. Morrell and A. Thackray, Gentlemen of Science (Oxford, 1981); and the associated Correspondence (London, 1984); R. MacLeod and P. Collins (eds.). The Parliament of Science (London, 1981).
L. Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England, 1500–1800 (new ed., Harmondsworth, 1982), P. 179. I. Inkster and J. Morrell (eds.), Metropolis and Province (London, 1983); I. Inkster (ed.), The Steam Intellect Societies (Nottingham, 1985). For earlier London dominance, see P. Earle, The Making of the English Middle Class: Business, Society and Family Life in London, 1660–1730 (London, 1989). On provincial geology, see H.S. Torrens, ‘Arthur Aitken’s Mineralogical Survey of Shropshire 1796–1816, and the Contemporary Audience for Geological Publications’, British Journal for the History of Science, 16 (1983), 111–53.
S. Forgan, ‘Context, Image and Function’, British Journal for the History of Science, 19 (1986), 89–113, looks at the buildings and arrangements of scientific societies.
On British geology at a triumphal period, see Robert A. Stafford’s paper in this volume. On Albert Gunther, see A.E. Gunther, A Century of Zoology at the British Museum (London, 1975); on an industrialist, S.E. Koss, Sir John Brunner: Radical Plutocrat, 1842–1919 (Cambridge, 1970). On Mueller, see R.W. Home’s paper in this volume; it is interesting that the telescope at the Sydney Observatory came from Germany. See also A.M. Lucas, ‘Baron von Mueller: Protégé turned Patron’, pp. 133–52 in R.W. Home (ed.), Australian Science in the Making (Melbourne, 1988), a very useful collection of papers giving an excellent overview and some close studies.
H.B. Carter, Sir Joseph Banks (London, 1988). On Brown, D.J. Mabberley, Jupiter Botanicus (Braunschweig, 1985).
H. Davy, Collected Works, ed. J. Davy, Vol. 1 (London, 1839–40)
H. Mayhew, The Wonders of Science, or Young Humphry Davy: The Life of a Wonderful Boy written for Boys, 2nd ed. (London, 1856).
T.H. Levere, ‘Dr Thomas Beddoes; Science and Medicine in Politics and Society’, British Journal for the History of Science, 17 (1984), 187–204
D.A. Stansfield, Thomas Beddoes (Dordrecht, 1984).
S. Forgan (ed.), Science and the Sons of Genius: Studies on Humphry Davy (London, 1980); my paper on fishing is on pp. 201–30.
D.P. Miller, ‘Between Hostile Camps; Sir Humphry Davy’s Presidency of the Royal Society, 1820–1827’, British Journal for the History of Science, 16 (1983), 1–47.
H.B. Carter (ed.), The Sheep and Wool Correspondence of Sir Joseph Banks, 1781–1820 (Sydney, 1979).
D. Gooding & F. James (eds.), Faraday Rediscovered (London, 1985); my paper on Davy and Faraday is on pp. 33–49.
A.E. Gunther, Founders of Science at the British Museum, 1753–1900 (Halesworth, 1980).
W.Н. Flower, Essays on Museums (London, 1898); M. Girouard, Alfred Water-house and the Natural History Museum (London, 1981). On Owen, see the paper by Elizabeth Newland in this volume and, for a more sympathetic account, Jacob W. Gruber, ‘From Myth to Reality: the Case of the Moa’, Archives of Natural History, 14 (1987), 339–52. On the row over Children’s appointment, see A. Gunther, ‘President’s Anniversary Address’, Proceedings of the Linnean Society, 112 (1899–1900), 14–24, pp. 19f.
M.B. Hall, All Scientists Now: The Royal Society in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, 1984); and see the informal writings of the Society’s Assistant Secretary, W. White, Journals (London, 1898).
Gunther’s address (n. 15) describes Swainson’s correspondence preserved at the Linnean Society, and is followed (pp. 25–61) by a summary Calendar arranged under correspondents. Incoming letters only are preserved.
D.M. Knight, ‘Ramsbottom Lecture: William Swainson, Naturalist, Author and illustrator’, Archives of Natural History, 13 (1986), 275–90; S. Natusch and G. Swainson, William Swainson; the Anatomy of a Nineteenth-century Naturalist (Wellington, NZ, 2nd printing 1987); this reproduces the Calendar of Swainson’s correspondents, and lists other MS sources; G.M. Swainson (ed.), William Swainson: Diaries, 1808–1818 (Palmerston North, NZ, 1989). On the trade in specimens, see M.A. Taylor and H.S. Torrens, ‘Saleswoman to a New Science: Mary Anning and the Fossil Fish Squaloraja from the Lias of Lyme Regis’, Proceedings of the Dorset Natural History and Archaeological Society, 108 (1986), 135–48.
J.F.W. Herschel, Preliminary Discourse to the Study of Natural Philosophy (London, 1830, reprint introduced by A. Fine, Chicago, 1987).
J.N. Hays, ‘The Rise and Fall of Dionysius Lardner’, Annals of Science, 38 (1981), 527–42.
D.M. Knight, Zoological Illustration (Folkestone, 1977)
A. Ellenius (ed.), The Natural Sciences and the Arts (Uppsala, 1985).
R.V. Jensen, ‘Return to the Wilberforce-Huxley Debate’, British Journal for the History of Science, 21 (1988), 161–79
Ruth Barton, ‘“An Influential Set of Chaps”: the X-Club and Royal Society Politics, 1864–1885’, British Journal for the History of Science, 23 (1990), 53–81.
See my paper on Faraday in R. Porter (ed.), Man Masters Nature (London, 1987), pp. 126–36; J. Tyndall, Faraday as a Discoverer (London, 1868).
R.F. Bud and G.K. Roberts, Science versus Practice (Manchester, 1984). P. Alter, The Reluctant Patron: Science and the State in Britain, 1850–1920 (Oxford, 1987).
C.A. Russell, N.G. Coley and G.K. Roberts, Chemists by Profession (Milton Keynes, 1977). Crookes’ journal Chemical News reached both professional and learned chemists, and its Letters to the Editor in the 1870s are most interesting on the distances between them.
S.F. Cannon, Science in Culture (New York, 1978), esp. chapters 2 and 3.
A.J. Meadows (ed.), Development of Science Publishing in Europe (Amsterdam, 1980)
W.H. Brock and A.J. Meadows, The Lamp of Learning (London, 1984).
R. Yeo, ‘An Idol of the Market-place: Baconianism in Nineteenth-century Britain’, History of Science, 23 (1985), 251–98.
A. Moуаl, ‘A Bright and Savage Land’: Scientists in Colonial Australia (Sydney, 1987).
J.A. Secord, Controversy in Victorian Geology: The Cambrian-Silurian Dispute (Princeton, 1986); and ‘The Geological Survey of Great Britain as a Research School, 1839–1855’, History of Science, 24 (1986), 223–75; N.A. Rupke, The Great Chain of History: William Buckland and the English School of Geology, 1814–1849 (Oxford, 1983).
R.W. Home, ‘Physics in Australia and Japan to 1914’, Annals of Science, 44 (1987), 215–35; idem, ‘The Problem of Intellectual Isolation in Scientific Life: W.H. Bragg and the Australian Scientific Community, 1886–1909’, Historical Records of Australian Science, 6 (1) (1984), 19–30, and ‘First Physicist in Australia: Richard Threlfall at the University of Sydney, 1886–1898’, ibid., 6 (3) (1986), 333–57.
Patrick K. O’Brien, ‘The Costs and Benefits of British Imperialism, 1846–1914’, Past and Present, 120 (1988), 163–200, and the ensuing debate between O’Brien and P. Kennedy, ibid., 125 (1989), 186–99.
Trevor H. Levere, ‘The History of Science in Canada’, British Journal for the History of Science, 21 (1988), 419–25. On the organisation of science in Australia in the last hundred years, see R. MacLeod (ed.), The Commonwealth of Science: ANZAAS and the Scientific Enterprise in Australasia, 1888–1988 (Melbourne, 1988).
H.E. Roscoe and A. Harden, A New View of the Origin of Dalton’s Atomic Theory (London, 1896), p. 122.
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Editor information
Editors and Affiliations
Rights and permissions
Copyright information
© 1991 Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Knight, D. (1991). Tyrannies of Distance in British Science. In: Home, R.W., Hohlstedt, S.G. (eds) International Science and National Scientific Identity. Australasian Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, vol 9. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-3786-7_3
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-011-3786-7_3
Publisher Name: Springer, Dordrecht
Print ISBN: 978-94-010-5686-1
Online ISBN: 978-94-011-3786-7
eBook Packages: Springer Book Archive