Refuge in Holland: Ministry in the Walloon Church of Rotterdam and the Republic of Letters in the Time of Pierre Bayle, 1685–1709

  • Gerald Cerny
Part of the Archives Internationales D’Histoire Des Idees International Archives of the History of Ideas book series (ARCH, volume 107)


It was not surprising that the largest contingent of the Huguenot diaspora sought refuge in the United Provinces.1 The Low Countries had long attracted expatriates. French Calvinist exiles who sought protection in the Dutch Republic after the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes were merely the latest and most numerous wave of French-speaking refugees to find asylum in the Northern Netherlands.


Seventeenth Century Municipal Authority Protestant Church United Province Pastoral Letter 
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  1. 1.
    Henrijk J. Koenen, Geschiedenis van de Vestiging en den Invloed der Fransche Vluchtenlengen in Nederland (Leiden, 1846) (hereafter cited as Fransche Vluchtenlengen in Nederland); Charles Weiss, Histoire des réfugiés protestants de France, 2 vols. (Paris, 1853), II, 1–172, drew extensively upon Koenen’s research; H. H. Bolhuis, “La Hollande et les deux Refuges,” BHSPF, CXV (1969), 407-28.Google Scholar
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    Livre synodal, art. xlv, I, 50. The decision was first advanced at the Synod of Dordrecht, June 21, 1577 (ibid., art. ii, I, 34). At the Synod of Antwerp, August 5, 1579, the desire was expressed to have the Amsterdam Walloon Consistory meet separately from the Consistory of the Dutch Reformed Church in that city (ibid., art. xv, I, 70). The Synod of Amsterdam, March 19, 1586, called for joint monthly meetings of the Walloon and Dutch Reformed consistories (ibid., art. x, I, 114). The completed Ecclesiastical Order of the Reformed Churches of the Low Countries, Walloon and Dutch, was formulated at the joint national synod of the two churches held in The Hague, June 20-August 1, 1586, (ibid., I, 114-23).Google Scholar
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    The Synod of Dordrecht, September 13-15, 1606, reaffirmed Walloon adherence to the common confession of faith and catechism during the Arminian-Gomarist controversy (Livre synodal, art. xiv, I, 201). On the Remonstrant question, see Synod of Leiden, April 19–22, 1617 (ibid., art. xii-xiv, I, 254-55); Synod of Dordrecht, September 27-30, 1617 (ibid., art. xi, I, 257); and Synod of Middelburg, April 25-30, 1618 (ibid., art. ii, I, 258). On Walloon participation at the National Synod of Dordrecht, see Synod of Delft, September 12-18, 1618 (ibid., art iii, I, 263; also art. xxxi, I, 267; and esp. “L’ordre ecclesiastique des Eglises réformées du Païs-bas tant de l’une que de l’autre langue, conclu au Synode national convoqué par les Hauts et Puissans Seigneurs les Estats-generaux des Provinces-unies à Dordrecht, l’an 1618 et 1619,” ibid., I, 268-76). The Synod of Breda, August 14-19, 1619, called for Walloon pastors to sign the ratified articles noted above (ibid., art. xliv, I, 281). On leniency toward the Remonstrant faction, see Synod of Breda, August 14-19, 1619 (ibid., art. xix, I, 279; art. xlv, I, 281; art. xlvi, I, 281), and Synod of Haarlem, April 1-4, 1620 (ibid., art. x, I, 283). The Synod of Utrecht, April 13-19, 1622, called for all Walloon churches to read authenticated copies of the articles adopted at the National Synod of Dordrecht (ibid., art. xiv, I, 298). The Synod of Leiden, April 17-23, 1630, appointed two deputies to reconcile the two factions polarized around Cocceius and Voetius in the Dutch Reformed Church (ibid., art. xxx, I, 356); the Synod of Middelburg, September 4-9, 1630, appealed to the prince of Orange and the States General to heal the breach between Cocceius and Voetius (ibid., art. xix, I,360-61); and the Synod of Dordrecht, April 2-4,1631, reproved one of its members for publishing a tract on the Cocceius-Voetius schism in the Dutch Reformed Church (ibid., art. xxvi, I, 365).Google Scholar
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    Gustave Cohen, Ecrivains français en Hollande dans la première moitié du XVII e siècle (The Hague and Paris, 1921).Google Scholar
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    Dibon, “Le Refuge wallon,” 67–68.Google Scholar
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    “De Leidse Universiteit,” in De Huguenoten in Nederland, 60-63; Dibon, “Le Refuge wallon,” 68-71; Lungingh Schleurleer and Posthumus Meyjes, eds, Leiden University in the Seventeenth Century, 461-65, and passim.Google Scholar
  15. 15.
    Paul Dibon’s forthcoming book will emphasize the contribution of the Huguenot Pierre Bayle to the Dutch Gouden Eeuw and will correct the older views of Poujol and Geyl, as well as the most recent negative appraisal by G. C. Gibbs, in “Some Intellectual and Political Influences of the Huguenot Emigrés in the United Provinces, c. 1680–1730,” Bijdragen en Mededelingen betreffende de Geschiedenis der Nederlanden, 90 (1957), 255-87. For his preliminary statement, see Paul Dibon, “Pierre Bayle, témoin du Siècle d’or hollandais,” in Ecole pratique des Hautes Etudes, IVe Section,Annuaire, 1974–1975, 109 (Paris, 1975), 729-51.Google Scholar
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    The Middelburg church was criticized for not sending pastors and elders to Walloon synods for three successive years (Synod of Leeuwarden, August 20-24, 1660, Livre synodal, art. xxiv, I, 582).Google Scholar
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    Synod of Utrecht, May 12, 1677 (ibid., art. v, I, 762).Google Scholar
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    Synod of Zierikzee, April 30, 1681 (ibid., art. xxxii, I, 801).Google Scholar
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  24. 24.
    According to Poujol, emigration of Huguenots occurred after 1585, when Henri III decreed that Huguenots must either convert to Roman Catholicism or emigrate; after the fall of La Rochelle in 1629; after 1662; and after the decree of January 29, 1669, which suppressed the Chambre de V’dit in the Paris and Rouen Parlements (Eglises wallonnes dans les Pays-Bas, 132-36).Google Scholar
  25. 25.
    Examination of the Livre synodal, I, reveals the following figures for Huguenot pastors presenting themselves before the synods of the Walloon Church for appointment to chairs in the United Provinces: 1 in 1645 and 1662; 3 in 1671; 1 in 1672, 1678, 1679, and 1680; 2 in 1681; 6 in 1682; 7 in 1683; 6 in 1684; 18 in 1685 prior to the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes. According to F. H. Gagnebin, some 43 divinity students, pastors, and theologians entered the Dutch Republic from France between 1643-84 (“Les pasteurs de France réfugiés en Hollande après la révocation de l’Edit de Nantes,” BCHEW, 1st. ser., I [1885], 98-102).Google Scholar
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  28. 28.
    Synod of Nijmegen, April 1682 (ibid., art. xx, I, 809).Google Scholar
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    Synod of Utrecht, May 12, 1677, listed 3 pastors seeking ministerial posts (ibid., art. vii, I, 763); Synod of Zierikzee, April 30, 1681, 5 pastors and 7 divinity students (ibid., art. xvi, I, 799); Synod of Nijmegen, April 29, 1682, 4 ministers and 7 divinity students (ibid., art. xxv, I, 810); Synod of Delft, September 5, 1685, 23 unemployed ministers (ibid., art. xix, I, 842). On the fate of unemployed Huguenot refugee pastors in the Dutch Republic prior to the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, see P. Bayle to Jacob Bayle, July 15, 1683, in Bayle OD, I:ii, 138.Google Scholar
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    Synod of Goes, May 7–10, 1664 (Livre synodal, art. xviii, I, 619), Synod of’ s-Hertogenbosch, September 3-4, 1664 (ibid., art. xix, I, 624).Google Scholar
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  32. 32.
    Synod of Dordrecht, September 17, 1681 (ibid., art. xi, I, 804).Google Scholar
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    Synod of Delft, September 5, 1685 (ibid., art. xxii, I, 842). The Synod of Arnhem, September 6, 1684, foresaw the gravity of the persecuted French Reformed Church: “le malheur des Eglises réformées de France, qui selon les apparences vont se perdre entièrement, à moins que l’on ne travaille d’une manière puissante à arrester le cours de leurs désastres” (ibid., art. xx, I, 832); see also Synod of Brielle, April 11, 1685 (ibid., art. xxvi, I, 837).Google Scholar
  34. 34.
    See “Tweede Refuge,” in De Hugenoten in Nederland, 70-115; and supra, n. 1.Google Scholar
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    M. A. Perk, “La Révocation de l’Edit de Nantes et ses conséquences pour les Eglises wallonnes,” BCHEW, 1st ser., II (1887), 1–46.Google Scholar
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    See “Officieren,” in De Hugenoten in Nederland, 81-89. Beginning December 1, 1685, the stadholder, the grand pensionary, and the States General offered sizable bounties to Huguenot officers in the service of the Dutch armed forces (see A. J. Enschedé, “Résolutions prises par les Etats généraux, les Etats de Hollande et de West-Frise, la Commission permanente de ces Etats, ainsi que par le Conseil d’Etat en faveur des réfugiés [1684–1685],” BCHEW, 1st ser., IV [1890], 317-20, 322, 263-331, 335).Google Scholar
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    See “Kooplieden en Fabrikanten,” in De Hugenoten in Nederland, 77-81; “Courantiers,” ibid., 104-05; “Uitgevers en Boekhandelaren,” ibid., 105-06; “Kunstenaars en Ambachtslieden,” ibid., 95-103.Google Scholar
  38. 38.
    See “Predikanten,” ibid., 89-94; “Theologische Controversen,” ibid., 92-95; “Schrijvers,” ibid., 103-04. As early as November 16, 1685, the States General took an interest in the plight of huguenot refugee pastors and initiated a series of generous pensions to ease their financial distress (see Enschedé, “Résolutions prises en faveur des réfugiés,” 313-26, 328, 336).Google Scholar
  39. 39.
    Gagnebin, “Les pasteurs de France réfugiés en Hollande,” 71–151.Google Scholar
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    Ibid., 151. See also A. J. Enschedé, “Liste supplémentaire de pasteurs réfugiés et autres tiré des Résolutions des Etats généraux des Etats de Hollande et de West-Frise, du Conseil d’Etat et de la Commission permanente des Etats de Hollande,” BCHEW. 1st ser., IV (1890), 241-52. The most complete list is that compiled by Samuel Mours, “Les pasteurs à la révocation de l’Edit de Nantes,” BHSPF, 114 (1968), 67-105, 292-316. The case of the province of Normandy is most revealing: 46 pastors went into exile, 30 to the Dutch Republic, 14 to England, 1 to the Germanies, 1 to an unknown destination; 1 was imprisoned; 1 was a temporary apostate; 7 were permanent apostates (ibid., 82-85). Mours has listed a total of 277 pastors who found refuge in the United Provinces (ibid., 316); this figure represents 40.7 percent of the 681 who emigrated from France.Google Scholar
  41. 41.
    P. Bayle to Jacob Bayle, April 17, 1684, in Bayle, OD, I:ii, 148; also Mémoires inédits de Dumont de Bostaquet, ed. Charles Read and F. W. Waddington (Paris, 1864), 161.Google Scholar
  42. 42.
    The gallicization of Dutch higher society in the second-half of the seventeenth century is decried by, among other Dutch historians, Geyl (GNS, III, 784-86).Google Scholar
  43. 43.
    Enschedé, “Résolutions prises en faveur des réfugiés,” 313-36; also Koenen, Fransche Vluchtenlengen in Nederland, 75-90, 104-12.Google Scholar
  44. 44.
    Labrousse, Pierre Bayle, I, 203, 201-02.Google Scholar
  45. 45.
    This increased the total number of Walloon churches established in the United Provinces to 82. By the middle of the eighteenth century, 49 continued to exist as viable organizations. Of the 39 new Walloon churches created by the influx of Huguenot refugees after 1685, only 20 seemed to have had any lasting existence.Google Scholar
  46. 46.
    Synod of Rotterdam, April 24, 1686, declared that the traditional forms of recognizing an exiled pastor “appelable” had to be abandoned during the “conjoncture extraordinaire du temps” iLivre synodal, art. xv, II, 8); see also ibid., II, 2, 7-8. The prince of Orange chose two refugee Huguenot pastors for his residence iibid., art. xix, II, 8-9; art. iii, II, 50-51).Google Scholar
  47. 47.
    Synod of Rotterdam, April 24, 1686 iibid., art. xxviii-xxx, II, 10-11); Synod of’ s-Hertogenbosch, September 17, 1687 (ibid., art. i, II, 41); Synod of Utrecht, April 24, 1689 (ibid., art. xxix, II, 65). Since some pensioned refugee pastors residing in the parish jurisdiction of a Walloon church claimed the right to assume pastoral functions in that church, the Synod of Middelburg, April 16, 1687, ruled that they did not have the same rights as those pastors who had been “appelés dans les formes et confirmés dans leurs charges par l’autorité de nos synodes”; however, the synod exhorted each consistory to respect the character of the unemployed contesting pastors (ibid., art. xl, II, 31). The Synod of’ s-Hertogenbosch, September 17, 1687, reaffirmed this stand (ibid., art. viii, II, 34).Google Scholar
  48. 48.
    Ibid., art. xxxiii, II, 11.Google Scholar
  49. 49.
    Synod of Kampen, April 25, 1688 (ibid., art. xx, II, 45). The practice originated with the Synod of Arnhem, September 6, 1684. It also included “proposants” as well as “nos très chers frères les Pasteurs réfugiés.” Each synod reported on the instructions submitted by individual Walloon churches (Synod of Vlissingen, August 31, 1689, ibid., art xxix, II, 75, etc.). Refugee pastors who changed their residence were required to present to the Walloon church of their new locality attestations from the consistory of their former church (Synod of Dordrecht, April 8, 1693, Articles résolus aux Synodes, art. xxi, 5).Google Scholar
  50. 50.
    Synod of Balk, September 11, 1686, named the Amsterdam Walloon Church to receive voluntary contributions and to find the means for their transfer to France (Livre synodal, art. xvi, II, 19). In individual cases the Walloon Church requested the prince of Orange and other Dutch officials to appeal to the French state on behalf of imprisoned French pastors (Synod of Kampen, April 25, 1688, ibid., art. vi, II, 43).Google Scholar
  51. 51.
    Previous to the Second Huguenot Refuge, the synods of the Dutch Reformed Church embarrassed the synods of the Walloon Church by calling their attention to anonymous printed tracts published by Walloon pastors which were at variance with the teachings of the two churches (Gagnebin, “Les pasteurs de France réfugiés en Hollande,” 103-05). After 1685, the Dutch Reformed Church exerted its influence upon the Walloon Church through two other agencies as well. Once every year Dutch and Walloon churches deputized representatives to The Hague, where they jointly examined the authorized translation of the Bible into Dutch and the Acts of the Synod of Dordrecht. Such visits to scrutinize the documents of the two churches provided opportunity for the venting of criticism (see Synod of Utrecht, April 24, 1689, Livre synodal, art. xviii, II, 64, which alerted its members to the pending May 4, 1689, annual visit). The meetings of the Coetus of the Dutch Reformed Church held once every three years also included by right a deputation from the Walloon Church, which could then report reproaches made by the Dutch (see Synod of Naarden, August 29, 1691, Articles résolus aux Synodes, art. xliii, 7).Google Scholar
  52. 52.
    Livre synodal, art. v, II, 2.Google Scholar
  53. 53.
    Ibid., art. vi, II, 2-3.Google Scholar
  54. 54.
    “…La Compagnie exigera une promesse très expresse de ne dogmatiser là-dessus [AmyrauldismJ ny en public, ny en particulier contre ce qui est tenu dans ces provinces” (ibid., art. vi, II, 3).Google Scholar
  55. 55.
    Ibid., II, 3-7.Google Scholar
  56. 56.
    Ibid., art. xxxii, II, 11. The Haarlem Church arranged to have 200 copies published (Synod of Balk, September 1686, ibid., art. xv, II, 19). The first printed edition contained 189 signatures, with one missing through ommission. The second edition, printed in Leiden in 1689, included 202 names.Google Scholar
  57. 57.
    Livre synodal, art. xxv, II, 20-21. One of the books in question was Pierre Jurieu’s L’Accomplissement des prophéties (see Knetsch, Pierre Jurieu, 205-13, for an analysis of Jurieu’s chiliastic tract).Google Scholar
  58. 58.
    Synod of Middelburg, April 16, 1687 (Livre synodal, art. xxx, II, 29).Google Scholar
  59. 59.
    Art. xxv especially signaled out the refugee Huguenot pastors (ibid., II, 30).Google Scholar
  60. 60.
    Synod of Kampen, April 25, 1688 (ibid., art. v, II, 43).Google Scholar
  61. 61.
    Synod of Vlissingen, August 31, 1689 (ibid., II, 72).Google Scholar
  62. 62.
    Synod of Amsterdam, August 23, 1690 (ibid., art. xxvii, II, 92-94).Google Scholar
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    Synod of’ s-Hertogenbosch, September 17, 1687 (ibid., art. xxvii, II, 37).Google Scholar
  64. 64.
    Synod of The Hague, September 2, 1688 (ibid., art xl, II, 58).Google Scholar
  65. 65.
    Synod of Naarden, August 29, 1691 (ibid., art. ix, II, 112); published semi-annually as Articles résolus aux Synodes des Eglises wallonnes des Provinces Unies des Païs-Bas.Google Scholar
  66. 66.
    The origins of the Walloon Church of Rotterdam are vague because of the loss of the first volume of the “Actes du Consistoire de l’Eglise wallonne de Rotterdam.” It may be ascertained, however, that the first Walloons to arrive in Rotterdam came after 1572 as a result of Spanish persecution. It was only in 1585 that French-speaking Protestants requested the establishment of a separate church in Rotterdam (Synod of Leiden, September 18-20, 1585, Livre synodal, art. x, I, 112). No action was taken until the following year when the Walloon minister of Delft, Pierre Moreau, was to devote one day a week to Rotterdam Walloons (Synod of Leiden, September 24–25, 1586, ibid., art. ix, I, 125). It was only by the time of the meeting of the Synod of Delft on September 6, 1590, that Rotterdam received its first permanent minister, Daniel de Cologne. See also L. Bresson, Souvenir du troisième centenaire de l’Eglise wallonne de Rotterdam (Rotterdam, 1890); idem, “Eglise wallonne de Rotterdam. Sa vie intérieure, son développement et son influence,” BCHEW, 1st ser., IV (1909), 355-98; R. N. L. Mirandole, “Les débuts de l’Eglise wallonne de Rotterdam. Ses premiers temples et ses premiers pasteurs, 1576-1656,” BCHEW, 2nd ser., III (1902), 31-57.Google Scholar
  67. 67.
    P. Bayle to J. Bayle, July 15, 1683, in Bayle, OD, I:ii, 138. Mirandole estimated that there were 400 members in 1650 and 500-600 after 1672 (“Les débuts de l’Eglise wallonne de Rotterdam,” 57).Google Scholar
  68. 68.
    Weiss, Histoire des réfugiés protestants de France, II, 26. Mirandole estimated that out of a population of 50,000 inhabitants, the Walloon church numbered 1,200 by the end of 1687 and 2,200 between 1688-92 (“Les débuts de l’Eglise wallonne de Rotterdam,” 57).Google Scholar
  69. 69.
    GAR, “Livre des Actes du Consistoire de l’Eglise wallonne de Rotterdam,” A, fol. 128 (hereafter cited as “Livre des Actes du Consistoire”).Google Scholar
  70. 70.
    Municipal authorities made Sint Sebastiaens Capelle available to the Huguenots as early as December 25, 1685 (ibid., A, fol. 130). They also gave Huguenots the right to use the Zuider Kerk for sermons (March 17, 1686, ibid., A, fol. 135).Google Scholar
  71. 71.
    Ibid., A, fol. 129.Google Scholar
  72. 72.
    Ibid., A, fol 130.Google Scholar
  73. 73.
    Ibid., A, fols. 130-31, January 1, 1686.Google Scholar
  74. 74.
    Ibid., A, fol. 143.Google Scholar
  75. 75.
    Ibid., A, fol. 152.Google Scholar
  76. 76.
    Ibid., A, fol. 184.Google Scholar
  77. 77.
    Ibid., B, fol. 103.Google Scholar
  78. 78.
    Ibid., B, fols. 216-17.Google Scholar
  79. 79.
    Ibid., A, fols. 123-26.Google Scholar
  80. 80.
    Ibid., A, fol. 125.Google Scholar
  81. 81.
    The Rotterdam Walloon Church found it necessary to appeal to the provincial government when large numbers of refugees came through Rotterdam on their way to other regions. For example, the consistory named a committee of three on July 2, 1689, “pour dresser une requeste pour supplier nos Seigneurs les Etats de Hollande de trouver quelque moyen pour subvenir aux frais extraordinaires, que fait cette Eglise pour le grand nombre des Réfugiés, qui se present pour passer en Angleterre.” The manner of proceeding is interesting and reveals the close tie between the Rotterdam Walloon Church and the Rotterdam municipal authorities, many of whom were members of the Walloon church: “la Diste requeste à estre dressée, leuê et remise es mains de Monsr. le Bourgemaistre Van Zoelen, membre du Consistoire” (ibid., A, fol. 176).Google Scholar
  82. 82.
    The consistory met the financial emergency by appealing to “nos Seigneurs les Bourgesmaitres et regens de cette ville” (ibid., B, fol. 62). “Messr. nos Venerables Magistrats” gave the Walloon church 3,000 guilders “pour le soulagement de notre diaconerie” (October 21, 1696, ibid., B, fol. 88).Google Scholar
  83. 83.
    Ibid., B, fols. 94-95.Google Scholar
  84. 84.
    The Rotterdam Walloon Church also brought up this problem at the meeting of the Synod of Amersfoort on April 23, 1698 (Articles résolus aux Synodes, art. xlii, 7).Google Scholar
  85. 85.
    GAR, “Livre des Actes du Consistoire,” fol. 142, fol. 145.Google Scholar
  86. 86.
    Ibid., B, fol. 307.Google Scholar
  87. 87.
    “La Compagnie refleschisans que le temps dl’un renouvellement du Consistoire approche, et qul’ayant dl’ordinaire honneur dl’élire quelque personne de la Régence pour ses membres….” (Ibid., B, fol. 90, December 9, 1696).Google Scholar
  88. 88.
    Ibid., B, fol. 91.Google Scholar
  89. 89.
    Ibid., A, fol. 154.Google Scholar
  90. 90.
    Ibid., A, fol. 178.Google Scholar
  91. 91.
    Ibid., A, fol. 184.Google Scholar
  92. 92.
    Municipal permission to select a second pastor to aid Phinéas Piélat, who had been pastor since 1673, was recorded by the consistory on October 2, 1681; and nominations were to be placed as soon as possible (ibid., A, fol. 94). The list of nominees was drafted on October 6, 1681, then reduced to three candidates, and their names announced to the congregation (ibid., A, fol. 95). Pierre Jurieu was elected on October 15, 1681 (ibid., A, fol. 96); and his name is recorded as being approved by “messieurs de La Loy” on October 23, 1681 (ibid., A, fol. 97).Google Scholar
  93. 93.
    Ibid., A, fol. 122, September 15, 1685. Pierre Du Bosc was banished from France on June 6, 1685, and arrived in Rotterdam at the end of August 1685. He was installed as pastor of the Walloon Church of Rotterdam on October 28, 1685 (Haag, FP, IX, 376-81). For Du Bosc as a famed Huguenot refugee preacher, see Poujol, Eglises wallonnes dans les Pays-Bas, 225-32.Google Scholar
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  95. 95.
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  96. 96.
    itIbid., A, fols. 132-33; Haag, FP, VI, 515.Google Scholar
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    Ibid., IX, 326-29.Google Scholar
  99. 99.
    GAR, “Livre des Actes du Consistoire,” A, fol. 134.Google Scholar
  100. 100.
    The dispersal of the refugee Huguenot pastors as of May 17, 1686, was as follows: Holland 70, Zeeland 12, Gelderland 10 or 12, Utrecht 10, Friesland 10, Groningen 10, Overijssel 6; 102 still remained to be placed (Poujol, Eglises wallonnes dans les Pays-Bas, 145, n. 2).Google Scholar
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    GAR, “Livre des Actes du Consistoire,” A, fols. 139–40.Google Scholar
  102. 102.
    Ibid., A, fol. 166, July 19, 1688; ibid., A, fol. 169, August 15, 1688.Google Scholar
  103. 103.
    Ibid., A, fol. 188, August 14, 1691.Google Scholar
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    Loc. cit., August 15, 1691.Google Scholar
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    P. Bayle to V. Minutoli, August 27, 1691, in Bayle, OD, IV, 659; Pierre Desmaizeaux, Vie de Monsieur Bayle, lxii.Google Scholar
  106. 106.
    The Synod of Naarden designated Piélat to confirm Basnage as pastor-ordinary and Jurieu to confirm Superville (Articles résolus aux Synodes, art. xii, 3).Google Scholar
  107. 107.
    See Elisabeth Labrousse, “Les attitudes politiques des réformés français. Les ‘lettres pastoralesl’ du Refuge (Elie Benoist, Jacques Basnage, Pierre Jurieu),” in Ecole partique des Hautes Etudes, IVe Section, Annuaire, 1976–1977, 109 (Paris, 1977), 793-804; idem, “Les attitudes politiques des réformés français. Les ‘lettres pastoralesl’ du Refuge [suite],” in Ecole pratique des Hautes Etudes, IVe Section, Annuaire, 1977–1978, 110 (Paris, 1979), 845-54.Google Scholar
  108. 108.
    (April 1686), art. viii, 450. See also P. Bayle to V. Minutoli, July 8, 1686, in Bayle, OD, IV, 625.Google Scholar
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    Considérations, 41.Google Scholar
  110. 110.
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  111. 111.
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  116. 116.
    (Amsterdam, 1686). The edition utilized in this text was entitled Réponse à Monsieur l’évesque de Meaux sur sa lettre pastorale (n.p., 1686). Isaac Jaquelot, Elie Benoist, and Pierre Jurieu also wrote tracts against Bossuet’s pastoral letter; but Basnage’s was the longest and the most detailed (see Elisabeth Labrousse, “Les réponses du Refuge à la Pastorale aux N. C. de Meaux,” in Journées Bossuet. La prédication au XVIF e siècle. Actes du Colloque tenu à Dijon les 2, 3 et 4 décembre 1977 pour le trois cent cinquantième anniversaire de la naissance de Bossuet, ed. Thérèse Goyet and Jean-Pierre Collinet [Paris, 1980], 343-55).Google Scholar
  117. 117.
    (Paris, 1686). The edition utilized in this text was entitled Lettre pastorale de Monsieur l’évesque de Meaux aux Nouveaux Catholiques pour les exhorter à faire leurs Pasques & leur donner les avertissemens nécessaire contre les fausses Lettres Pastorales des Ministres (Cologne, 1686). See_Pierre Bayle’s review in NRL (October 1686, art. iv, 1222-27. Bayle analyzed Basnage’s reply to Bossuet without, however, naming the author or the title of his work (ibid., 1223-24).Google Scholar
  118. 118.
    Lettre pastorale de Monsieur l’évesque de Meaux, 4.Google Scholar
  119. 119.
    Réponse à Monsieur l’évesque de Meaux, 13-14. Ibid., 31–32, 50.Google Scholar
  120. 120.
    Ibid., 31-32, 50.Google Scholar
  121. 121.
    Ibid., 55, 59.Google Scholar
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  123. 123.
    itLettre pastorale de Monsieur l’évesque de Meaux, 7, 10-20.Google Scholar
  124. 124.
    Réponse à Monsieur l’évesque de Meaux, 88.Google Scholar
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    Ibid., 281.Google Scholar
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    See Doucette, Emery Bigot, 68.Google Scholar
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    Bigot’s discovery of Palladius’s complete text in Greek of the life of John Chrysostom in the library of the grand duke of Tuscany led to a lifetime preoccupation and prompted him to read all of Chrysostom’s writings prior to his publication of the text. The scholarly bent for philological objectivity inevitably drove him to publish the Epistola (see ibid., 40-43, 60-66).Google Scholar
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    See Gilbert Burnet, Bishop Burnet’s History of His Own Time, ed. earl of Darthmouth et al., 6 vols. (Oxford, 1833), III, 106, n.d.Google Scholar
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    (Rotterdam, 1687). Following Chrysostom’s letter to Caesarius (1-13), and Bigot’s preface (14-31), Basnage treated the heresy of Apollinarius and his followers under the title Haeresos Apollinaris Historia cum observationibus (32-95). In the Epistola II de Syntagmati fidei quod Anthanasio Tribuitur, dedicated to Pierre Bayle, the Rotterdam pastor refuted the attribution of the Syntagma doctrinae to Athanasius of Alexandria by Arnoldus (96-150). In the last dissertation, dedicated to Paul Bauldri, Basnage defended remarks made in his earlier Examen des Méthodes proposés par Mrs. de l’Assemblée du Clergé de France en l’année 1682; he countered Richard Simon’s contention that there were no Hebrew scribes in the time of Moses (Adversus Doctissimum Simonium vindiciae, 151-204). The entire work was republished by Van der Slaart in Rotterdam in 1694 under the new title, Dissertationes Historico-Theologicae, and dedicated to Henri Basnage de Beauval.Google Scholar
  131. 131.
    Art. v, 1429. See also Bayle, DHC, art. Bigot, rem. C.Google Scholar
  132. 132.
    See Frank Puaux, “l’Essai sur les négociations des réfugiés pour obtenir le rétablissement de la Religion réformée au traité de Ryswick (Octobre 1697),” BHSPF, XVI (1867), 257-67, 305-16; Charles Read, “Les démarches des réfugiés huguenots auprès des négociateurs de la paix de Ryswick pour leur rétablissement en France (1697),” ibid., XL (1891), 169-88, 384-87; Joseph Dedieu, Le rôle politique des Protestants français, 1685–1715 (Paris, 1920), 82-100; Arsène Legrelle, Notes et documents sur la paix de Ryswick (Lille, 1894), 55-57; Gallus Koch, Die Friedensbestrebiengen Wilhelms III in den Jahren 1694-1697. Ein beitrag sur geschichte des Rijswijker friedens (Tübingen and Leipzig, 1903). On Louis XIV’s adamant stand against readmitting Huguenot refugees into France unless they abjuredl’ their Protestantism and became Roman Catholics, see “Lettre du Roi pour servir dl’Instruction à M. [François Dusson] de Bonrepaux,” Janaury 13, 1698, in Recueil des instructions données aux ambassadeurs et ministres de France depuis les traités de Westphalie jusqul’à la Révolution française, XXII: Hollande, 1698-1730, ed. Louis André and Emile Bourgeois (Paris, 1923), II, 28.Google Scholar
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    (Rotterdam, 1698). See Knetsch, Pierre Jurieu, 345-66.Google Scholar
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    Jurieu, Relation, pt. IL Jurieu counseled that God would never permit the total ruin of the Reformation in France; but he advised, as a first duty, “patience et soumission” (ibid., 54).Google Scholar
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    Puaux, “Essai sur les négociations des réfugiés,” 316. See also P. Bayle to M. [Jean Brugnière de Naudis], January 27, 1698, in Bayle, OD, I:ii, 183.Google Scholar
  136. 136.
    2nd ed. (Rotterdam: Abraham Acher, 1698). Haag, FP, II, 11, and Chaufepié, Nouveau Dictionnaire historique et critique, I, 109, n. A, both list a total of fourteen pastoral letters. Jacques Basnage stated in his eleventh and last available letter, dated September 1, 1698, that he would elaborate “notre quatrième remarque dans la Lettre suivante” (Lettres pastorales sur le renouvellement de la persécution, 88). The Bibliothèque de la Société de l’Histoire du Protestantisme français, Paris, possesses the first nine letters in its collection, while the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, has ten letters in its holdings.Google Scholar
  137. 137.
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    Ibid., 15.Google Scholar
  139. 139.
    Ibid., 16.Google Scholar
  140. 140.
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  142. 142.
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  143. 143.
    Ibid., 54-55, 56. 144 Ibid., 72.Google Scholar
  144. 145.
    Art. v, 50.Google Scholar
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    Art. vii, 94-95. See also Desmaizeaux, Vie de Monsieur Bayle, xxix.Google Scholar
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    NRL, (January 1686), art. v, 50.Google Scholar
  147. 148.
    Ibid. (October 1686), art. iv, 1223-24.Google Scholar
  148. 149.
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    “Eloge historique de M. Basnage,” iv.Google Scholar
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    See Caroline Louise Thijssen-Schoute, “Hermanus Lufneu, Stadarts te Rotterdam,” Rotterdams Jaarboekje, VIII (1960), 180-227 [reprinted, idem, Uit de Republiek der Letteren. Elf Studiïn op het Gebied der Ideïngeschiedenis van de Gouden Eeuw (The Hague, 1967), 140-72]. Anne Amsincq, Lufneu’s wife, was the sister of Marie Basnage de Beauval-Amsincq and the sister of Sarah Amsincq, who married Israel-Antoine Aufrère, the prominent London Huguenot minister.Google Scholar
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    (April 1685), art. v, 381-89; (January 1687), art. ii, 20-32; (March 1687), art. i, 239-49.Google Scholar
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    Otto S. Lankhorst, Reinier Leers (1654–1714). Uitgever & Boekverkoper te Rotterdam. Een Europees ‘Librarie’ en zijn fonds (Amsterdam and Maarssen, 1983).Google Scholar
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    Labrousse, Pierre Bayle, I, 165-66, 172, n. 14.Google Scholar
  154. 155.
    Le Vier, “Eloge historique de M. Basnage,” iv.Google Scholar
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    William I. Hull, Benjamin Furly and Quakerism in Holland (Lancaster, Penn., 1941), 77, 87-89, 244; Edith Philips, The Good Quaker in French Legend (Philadelphia, 1932), 19, and passim; Labrousse, Pierre Bayle, I, 217, n. 52.Google Scholar
  156. 157.
    The Bibliotheca Furliana: sive catalogus librorum docte viri Benjamin Furly (Rotterdam, 1714) listed over 4,400 books. According to Hull (Benjamin Furly, 68–76), Furly was the author, coauthor, or translator of about 30 works. His most recent effort was the anthology, Recueil de diverses pièces concernant la Pennsylvanie (The Hague, 1684), in collaboration with William Penn and Thomas Paskell.Google Scholar
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    P. Bayle to P. Desmaizeaux, October 17, 1704, in Bayle, OD, IV, 849, and March 18, 1706, ibid., IV, 869; Labrousse, Pierre Bayle, I, 217, n. 52; Hull, Benjamin Furly, 129-30. For Bayle’s views on the Quakers, see Philips, The Good Quaker, 20.Google Scholar
  158. 159.
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    Ibid., 82-100; Philips, The Good Quaker, 19, 26-27, 51-52; Thijssen-Schoute, “De Nederlandse Vriendenkring van John Locke,” in Uit de Republiek der Letteren, 90-103; Gabriel Bonno, Les relations intellectuelles de Locke avec la France. (Dl’après des documents inédits), in University of California Publications in Modem Philology, 38, no. 2 (1955), 171-72; Maurice Cranston, John Locke: A Biography (New York, 1957), 280-83, 291-97. Locke’s stay at Furly’s residence in Rotterdam from early February 1687 through early February 1689 is, in part, documented in letters written by him and to him in The Correspondence of John Locke, ed. E. S. de Beer, 7 vols, to date (Oxford, 1976-), III, 127-559.Google Scholar
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    Hull, Benjamin Furly, 128. According to Hull, Le Clerc was one of the original founders of the Lantern Club. It was there that he met John Locke, who became his closest English friend. For Le Clerc’s extremely favorable opinion of Quakers, see Philips, The Good Quaker, 19, 23-27, 34-36.Google Scholar
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    Hull, Benjamin Furly, 105-23. The baron van Helmont spent over a decade in England, where he practiced medicine and collaborated with George Fox and William Penn. He is remembered today for his publication of his father’s posthumous work, Ortus medicinae. Like Johannes Baptista van Helmont, who was a disciple of the German physician Paracelsus, Franciscus Mercurius retained the medical philosophy of his celebrated father (see Allen G. Debus, The Chemical Philosophy: Paracelsian Science and Medicine in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, 2 vols. [New York, 1977], II, 295-378, 311-12, 455-56).Google Scholar
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    Labrousse, Pierre Bayle, I, 217, n. 52.Google Scholar
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    Mémoires inédits et opuscules de Jean Rou, 1638-1711, ed. F. Waddington, 2 vols. (Paris, 1857), II 258-62.Google Scholar
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    Rapin-Thoyras’s unfinished Histoire dl’Angleterre… depuis l’invasion de Jules César appeared in 10 vols, in its first edition printed in The Hague between 1723-27. It was many times to be enlarged by later writers and eventually translated into English. Like his History of England, Rapin-Thoyras’s authoritative Dissertation sur l’Origine du Gouvernement de l’Angleterre et sur la Naissance, le Progrès, les Vues, les Forces et les Caractères des deux Partis des Whigs et des Torys (The Hague, 1717) was primarily written for foreigners. It also became a popular work, went through many French editions, and was iater translated into English and German. See Nelly Girard dl’Albissin, Un précurseur de Montesquieu: Rapin-Thoyras, premier historien français des institutions (Paris, 1969).Google Scholar
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    For the most thorough definition of the seventeenth-century phenomenon of the Republic of Letters, see Paul Dibon, “Les échanges épistolaires dans l’Europe savante du XVIIe siècle,” Revue de Synthèse, XCVII:81-82 (1976), 31-50. This entire double issue is devoted to “Les correspondances. Leur importance pour l’historien des Sciences et de la Philosophie. Problèmes de leur édition” that was organized by the Centre international de Synthèse and held in Chantilly during May 5-7, 1975. The best demonstration of the techniques described by Dibon remains Annie Barnes, Jean Le Clerc (1657-1736) et la République des Lettres (Paris, 1938).Google Scholar
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    Prior to the periodicals established by Pierre Bayle, Jean Le Clerc, and Henri Basnage de Beauval between 1684-87, the three great international journals included the Journal des Sçavu’s (1665), The Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London (1665), and the Acta Eruditorum Lipsiensis (1682). For a conception of the journals read by late seventeenth-century intellectuals, see the compilation made by the Dutch savant, Corneille a Beughem in Bibliographica Historica, Chronologica et Geographica novissima perpetuo continuanda (Amsterdam, 1685), which was reprinted in Le Clerc’s Bibliothèque Universelle et Historique (April 1689), art. xiii, 35; and the list drawn up by Gijsbert Cuper for the abbé Bignon, September 25, 1708, in his Lettres de Critique, de Littérature et dl’Histoire, etc. écrites à divers savons de l’Europe (Amsterdam, 1743), 201. For a modem appraisal, see Myriam Yardeni, “Journalisme et histoire contemporaine à l’époque de Bayle,” History and Theory, XII (1973), 208-29.Google Scholar
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    Le Vier, “Eloge historique de M. Basnage,” v.Google Scholar
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    I should like to take this opportunity to thank the archival staff of the French Académie des Sciences for help in tracing the whereabouts of Fontenelle’s manuscript papers.Google Scholar
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    See Jean-Raoul Carré, La philosophie de Fontenelle, ou Le sourire de la Raison (Paris, 1932), 547; Bibliothèque Nationale [Paris], Fontenelle, 1657–1757. Exposition organisée pour le troisième centenaire de sa naissance et le deuxième centenaire de sa mort (Paris, 1957), 3. Unfortunately, no printed catalogue was issued by the “Exposition Fontenelle” organized by the Académie des Sciences, Belles-Lettres et Arts de Rouen and the Bibliothèque de la Ville de Rouen.Google Scholar
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    (January 1686), art. x, 88-92. Reissued as Relation de l’isle de Bornéo in Fontenelle, Oeuvres complètes, ed. G.-B. Depping, 3 vols. (Paris, 1818), II, 603-04. See also Alain Niderst, Fontenelle à la recherche de lui-même (Paris, 1972), 62-63, 244, 245, 321-28.Google Scholar
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    See Bayle, DHC, art. Ménage, esp. rem. A; Nicéron, Mémoires, I, 305-26; Cioranescu, Bibliographie de la littérature française du XVII e siècle, II, 1397–1400; Menagiana ou les bons mots, les pensées critiques, historiques, morales et dl’érudition de Monsieur Ménage, recueillies par ses amis, 2nd ed., 2 vols. (Paris, 1694); Elvire Samfiresco, Ménage polémiste, philologue, poète (Paris, 1902).Google Scholar
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    BN, Autographes Rothschild, I, A, xvii, 26, August 21 [1688?].Google Scholar
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    Ménage dedicated his Diogenes Laertius to Bigot (Doucette, Emery Bigot, 7-48).Google Scholar
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    BN, Autographes Rothschild, I, A, xvii, 27.Google Scholar
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    I should like to express my indebtedness to the following in my efforts to locate the Burnet-Basnage correspondence: Robert Shackleton, Bodleian Library, Oxford; T. C. Skeat, British Library, London; Pamela Stewart, Diocesan Record Office, Salisbury; the Royal Historical Commission on Manuscripts, London; The Huguenot Society of London; and K. H. D. Haley, University of Shefield. In the Netherlands, the following gave unstinting help: C. L. Heesakkers, Bibiiotheek der Rijksuniversiteit, Leiden; G. Dekker-Piket, Koninklijke Bibiiotheek, The Hague; and J. Fox and M. J. van den Berg, Algemeen Rijksarchief, The Hague.Google Scholar
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    The authenticity of the manuscript discovered in the library of the Benedictine Monastery of Moissac was only established in the late 1890s and the early 1900s. See J. Morleau, “Introduction,” to his French translation with critical notes of Lactantius’s Histoire de la mort des persécuteurs, 2 vols. (Paris, 1954), I, 13-75; René Pichon, “Lactance historien et pamphlétaire. Etude spéciale du De Morticus Persecutorum,” in his Lactance. Etude sur le mouvement philosophique et religieux sous le règne de Constantin (Paris, 1901), 337-445; and Jacques Fontaine and Michel Perrin, eds., Lactance et son temps. Recherches actuelles. Actes du IV e Colloque dl’Etudes historiques et patristiques, Chantilly, 21-23 septembre 1976 (Paris, 1978), 13-102. The above made no mention of either Burnet*s English translation, or Basnage’s French translation or why De Mortibus Persecutorum figured in late seventeenth-century religious controversy. It is perplexing that Pierre Bayle did not include a separate article on Lactantius in his DHC; the subject of Lactantius’s De Mortibus Persecutorum could have put Bayle’s irony to a keen test.Google Scholar
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    A Relation of the Death of the Primitive Persecutors Written originally in Latin by L. C. F. Lactantius. Englished by Gilbert Burnet. To Which he hath made a large Preface concerning Persecution (Amsterdam, 1687).Google Scholar
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    Basnage’s French translation was reviewed in HOS (September 1687), art. v, 979-1003. For Basnage’s continuing interest in Lactantius, see his correspondence with Gijsbert Cuper and his review of Paul Bauldri’s critical edition of De Mortibus Persecutorum (Rotterdam, 1692).Google Scholar
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    KBH, MS 72 D 58 k. Cuper’s letters have been preserved because the Deventer savant had copies made of all his letters to his correspondents; see KBH, MS 72 D 58 1 for copies of his letters to Basnage. Some were published as Lettres de critique, de littérature, dl’histoire, etc., écrites à divers savans de l’Europe par feu Monsieur Gisbert Cuper (Amsterdam, 1743), 388-424; Basnage’s letter to Cuper, September 14, 1692, is printed pp. 382-87. The large number of letters exchanged between Cuper and Pierre Bayle equalled those written by Basnage and Cuper to one another (see Labrousse, Inventaire critique, 349-50), but their tone was not as amicable and mutually reinforcing of one another’s scholarly pursuits because of Cuper’s ties with Pierre Jurieu (see Thijssen-Schoute, “La diffusion européenne des idées de Bayle,” 161-64). Concerning Gijsbert Cuper, see Het Dagboek van Gisbert Cuper, Gedeputerede te Velde, Gehouden in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden in 1706, ed. A. J. Veenendaal (The Hague, 1950), vii-xvii; Nieuw Nederlandsch Biografisch Woordenboek, IV 486-88; Nicéron, Mémoires, VI, 88-96.Google Scholar
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    See “Eloge lu à l’Académie Royale des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres,” in Lettres par feu Monsieur Gisbert Cuper, xviii-xx; and “Eloge de Mr. Gisbert Cuper par le père Nicéron,” ibid.Google Scholar
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    [Paquot], Mémoires, II, 429-48; Nicéron, Mémoires, II, 233-48; Nieuw Nederlandsch Biografisch Woordenboek, IV, 669-70; Thijssen-Schoute, “La diffusion européenne des idées de Bayle,” 160-61. By coincidence, both Graevius and Cuper had been students of the celebrated German philologist, Johannes Fredericus Gronovius. Graevius had studied with Gronovius at the Illustere School in Deventer, while Cuper worked under the supervision of Gronovius after Gronovius assumed his professorial chair at the University of Leiden. It was Gronovius who induced the regents of the Deventer Athenaeum to replace him with Graevius. Cuper also taught at the Deventer Illustere School, but only after Graevius had departed to teach at the University of Utrecht.Google Scholar
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    KBC, Thott Collection, MS 1258, 4°.Google Scholar
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    Probably in exchange for a packet which Basnage forwarded to Rouen for Graevius (see J. Basnage to J. G. Graevius, n.d. [1688?], ibid.).Google Scholar
  212. 213.
    J. Basnage to J. G. Graevius, “this 28” [1689?], ibid. The “M. Bouchard” reference is to Samuel Bouchard (1599-1667), generally spelled Bouchart, a native of Rouen. After studying philology with Thomas Dempster in Paris at an early age, Bouchart studied and wrote theses at the French Protestant academies of Sedan and Saumur. When the Academy of Saumur was temporarily closed, he accompanied his professor, John Cameron, to England and spent some time at Oxford University before enrolling in the University of Leiden, where he took his final degree under the supervision of André Rivet. Bouchart became a pastor of the French Reformed Church in Caen. During his lifetime, his erudition was universally acclaimed by such diverse intellectuals as Tannegui Le Fèvre, Vossius, Gassendi, etc. The manuscripts which Basnage sought to procure for Graevius, through the intercession of a counsellor in the Parlement of Normandy, may have been the three unpublished manuscripts of Samuel Bouchart deposited in the Bibliothèque de l’Université de Caen, or his many unpublished manuscripts then in the possession of the Colleville family (see Haag, FP, II, 323).Google Scholar
  213. 214.
    See “Eloge de Mr. Bigot,” HOS (February 1690), art. xiii, 266-68.Google Scholar
  214. 215.
    Bayle and Graevius were in correspondence with each other between 1685-1702. See Labrousse, Inventaire critique, 360-61.Google Scholar
  215. 216.
    KBC, Thott Collection, MS 1258,4°, May 8, 1691.Google Scholar
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    J. Basnage to J. G. Graevius, July 15, 1697, ibid. Johannes Mersius (1579-1639) was appointed to the chair of history at the University of Leiden in 1610. Later he distinguished himself as professor of Greek. According to Nicéron (Mémoires, XII, 185), Jean Imperalis was supposed to have quipped, not unlike Bayle, that Meursius “a mis au jour avec ses Corrections & des Versions Latines plus dl’Auteurs Grecs lui seul, que tous les autres nl’avoient fait ensemble depuis cent ans.”Google Scholar
  218. 219.
    I should like to express my gratitude to Mme Christian Dominicé, née Elisabeth Kourakine-Budé, for making Basnage’s letters to Jean-Alphonse Turrettini in the Budé family archives available to me. Eugène de Budé published all but seven of these letters in Lettres inédites adressées de 1686 à 1737 àJ.-A. Turrettini, 3 vols. (Geneva, 1887), I, 124-78; three of the letters written by Basnage, and printed by the editor, are from the Fonds de Roches, Bibliothèque Publique et Universitaire, Geneva.Google Scholar
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    See Eugène de Budé, Vie de J.-A. Turrettini, théologien genevois (1671-1737). (Lausanne, 1880).Google Scholar
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    See idem, “Voyages de J.-A. Turrettini (1691-1693) dl’après une correspondance inédite,” Séances et travaux de l’Académie des Sciences morales et politiques, 67 (January 1907), 393-404.Google Scholar
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    J. Basnage to J.-A. Turrettini, n.d. [1694?], Archives de la famille de Budé, Geneva.Google Scholar
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    Lettres à J.-A. Turrettini, I, 124.Google Scholar
  223. 224.
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    Archives de la famille de Budé, July 9 [1693?] [printed in Lettres àJ.-A. Turrettini, I, 165-66]. See GAR, “Livre des Actes du Consistoire,” A, fols. 234, 236.Google Scholar
  226. 227.
    Archives de la famille de Budé, July 9 [1693?] [printed in Lettres à J.-A. Turrettini, I, 167].Google Scholar
  227. 228.
    Archives de la famille de Budé, March 16 [1699-1702?].Google Scholar
  228. 229.
    Ibid., n.d. [1702?] [printed in Lettres à J.-A. Turrettini, I, 132].Google Scholar
  229. 230.
    Archives de la famille de Budé, August 20 [1702?].Google Scholar
  230. 231.
    In 1712, Turrettini prevailed upon Genevan authorities to establish the first Anglican church in the city.Google Scholar
  231. 232.
    Archives de la famille de Budé, June 22, 1706 [printed in Lettres à J.-A. Turrettini, I, 149-50].Google Scholar
  232. 233.
    Archives de la famille de Budé, n.d. [1708?].Google Scholar
  233. 234.
    See J. B. Kan, “Bayle et Jurieu,” BCHEW, 1st ser., IV (1890), 139-202, for a brief analysis and selected “pièces justificatives” on Bayle’s trials with the Consistory of the Rotterdam Walloon Church.Google Scholar
  234. 235.
    GAR “Livre des Actes du Consistoire,” A, fols. 196-200. The consistorial resolutions date from the period May 27, 1691, through June 17, 1691.Google Scholar
  235. 236.
    For the break in the relationship and the inauguration of the pamphlet war between Jurieu and Bayle, see Labrousse, Pierre Bayle, I, 201-27; idem, “Introduction Historique” to her ed. of Pierre Bayle, Oeuvres Diverses, 5 vols. (Hildesheim and New York, 1964-82), V:i, ix-lvii.Google Scholar
  236. 237.
    GAR, “Livre des Actes du Consistoire,” A, fol. 200.Google Scholar
  237. 238.
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  238. 239.
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    Ibid., A, fols. 205-06.Google Scholar
  242. 243.
    Ibid., A, fol. 206. The company decided that in the future, when important matters such as the Jurieu-Bayle controversy were under consideration, the consistory secretary should record who the presiding official was and which members were absent (ibid., A, fol. 205).Google Scholar
  243. 246.
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  244. 247.
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  245. 248.
    Ibid., A, fol. 215, August 21, 1692; P. Bayle to V. Minutoli, October 6, 1692 in Bayle OD, IV, 675. See the censure of Jurieu by the Synod of Breda, September 3, 1692, Articles résolus aux Synodes, art. lii, 9, art. liii, 9-10; art. liv, 10. The affair had to do with one of Basnage de Beauval’s pamphlets (see Labrousse, Pierre Bayle, I, 228, n. 82; idem, “Introduction Historique” to her ed. of Bayle, Oeuvres Diverses [1964-82], V:i, xlvi-xlvii).Google Scholar
  246. 249.
    GAR, “Livre des Actes du Consistoire,” A, fol. 219, October 4, 1692; ibid., A, fol. 234, January 25, 1693; Synod of Dordrecht, April 8, 1693, Articles résolus aux Synodes, art. lui, 10; P. Bayle to Mr. [J. Bruguière de Naudis], March 5, 1693, in Bayle, OD, I:ii, 165; P. Bayle to V. Minutoli, March 5, 1693, ibid., IV, 683.Google Scholar
  247. 250.
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  248. 251.
    Ibid., A, fol. 236. Jurieu was obviously projecting on to the consistory his own unconscious guilt feelings about his unprincipled behavior.Google Scholar
  249. 252.
    P. Bayle to V. Minutoli, September 14, 1693, in Bayle, OD, IV, 693; Synod of Nijmegen, September 9, 1693, Articles résolus aux Synodes, art. lxviii, 17.Google Scholar
  250. 253.
    See text published by Kan, in “Bayle et Jurieu,” 152-53. Also Labrousse, Pierre Bayle, I, 229; Knetsch, Pierre Jurieu, 266-69, 276-77, 285-86, 315-19, 329-31; idem, “Jurieu, Bayle et Paets,” BHSPF, 117 (1971), 38-61, who emphasizes that the fate of Bayle and Jurieu was determined by antagonisms between the two rival Dutch political parties with which each identified since their arrival in Rotterdam.Google Scholar
  251. 254.
    See summary of the sessions of the Consistory of the Dutch Reformed Church of Rotterdam published by Kan, in “Bayle and Jurieu,” 200.Google Scholar
  252. 255.
    Jurieu announced to the Walloon Consistory on December 13, 1693, the great scandal caused some by Bayle’s approaching the communion table (GAR, “Livre des actes du Consistoire,” A, fol. 239).Google Scholar
  253. 256.
    Ibid., B, fol. 15, June 6, 1694.Google Scholar
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    Desmaizeaux, Vie de Monsieur Bayle, Ixxii.Google Scholar
  255. 258.
    GAR “Livre des Actes du Consistoire,” B, fol. 41; P. Bayle to D. Constant de Rebecque, August 22, 1695, in Bayle, OD, IV, 713; Le Vier, “Eloge historique de M. Basnage,” iv.Google Scholar
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    GAR, “Livre des Actes du Consistoire,” B, fol. 44, February 27, 1695. See also ibid., B, fol. 45, March 13, 1695.Google Scholar
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    Basnage misinformed Pierre Desmaizeaux that it was the duke of Shrewsbury who approached Pierre Silvestre and Michel Le Vassor in London to obtain Bayle’s dedication in exchange for 200 guineas (Desmaizeaux, Vie de Monsieur Bayle, lxxvi; Labrousse, Pierre Bayle, I, 245).Google Scholar
  259. 262.
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  260. 263.
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    Two other long-standing acquaintances were the Rottedam publisher Leers and the son of his early Rotterdam patron Paets (Destournelles to Abbé J. Dubos, January 27, 1707, in Paul Denis, “Lettres inédites de Pierre Bayle,” Revue dl’Histoire littéraire de France, XX [1913], 446).Google Scholar
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    GAR, Archief Notarieel 1540, no. 66; Desmaizeaux, Vie de Monsieur Bayle, cix.Google Scholar
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    See “Collectanea varia, ab illustriss. P. Baelio collecta, & plurimum nolitiis ab ejusd. manu, insignita,” Catalogus librorum in vario generi in signium, praecipue vero in theologia et historia ecclesiastica, quitus utebatur celeberrismus ver. D. J. Basnagius, equis (The Hague, 1724), 50-64.Google Scholar
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    See Labrousse, Pierre Bayle, I, 258-66; Pierre Rétat, Le Dictionnaire de Bayle et la lutte philosophique au XVIII e siècle (Paris, 1971), 15-29, 39-43. Following Bayle’s death, other Huguenot detractors in the Refuge denounced him. On the role of Jean de La Placette, Philippe Naudé, Elie Benoist, Mathurin Veyssière de La Croze, David Durand, and Jacques Saurin, see ibid., 29-39, 43-51.Google Scholar
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    Lettres choisies de Mr. Bayle avec des Remarques, ed. P. Desmaizeaux and P. Marchand, 3 vols. (Rotterdam, 1714), I, xxxv-xlviii; Lettres de Mr. Bayle, publiées sur les originaux avec des remarques par M. Desmaizeaux, 3 vols. (Amsterdam, 1729), I, xxv-xxxvi; and 4 unnumbered pp. at head of Bayle, OD, IV. It was first plagiarized in “Le mémoire sur la vie et les ouvrages de feu M. Bayle, envoyé de Hollande,” Mémoires de Trévoux (April 1707), 693-704.Google Scholar
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    Cf. “Clairemens sur certains chozes répandues dans ce Dictionnaire. Aux Obsenités,” in Bayle, DHC, IV, 647-64. See the important semiotic study by Luc Weibel, Le savoir et le corps. Essai sur le Dictionnaire de Pierre Bayle (Paris, 1975).Google Scholar
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    See Richard H. Popkin, “Introduction,” to Pierre Bayle, Historical and Critical Dictionary: Selections, trans. R. H. Popkin, The Library of Liberal Arts ed. (New York, 1965), xxii-xxxii; idem, “Theological and Religious Scepticism,” The Christian Scholar, XXXIX (1956), 150-58; idem, “The High Road to Pyrrhonism,” American Philosophical Quarterly, II (1965), 1-15; idem, “Pierre Bayle’s Place in 17th Century Scepticism,” in Dibon, Pierre Bayle, le philosophe de Rotterdam, 1-19.Google Scholar
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  277. 280.
    PRO, MS 30/24/27/22 (1). Shaftesbury’s magnanimous reply to Basnage, dated January 21, 1707, is printed in The Life, Unpublished Letters and Philosophical Regimen of Anthony, Earl of Shaftesbury, ed. Benjamin Rand (London, 1900), 372-79. In his letter to Basnage, Shaftesbury profusely acknowledged his indebtedness to Bayle for his friendship, learned conversations, and philosophical method. See also Léo Courtines, Bayle’s Relations with England and the English (New York, 1938), 130-34. Because of Courtine’s summary treatment of Bayle’s influence on Shaftesbury (ibid., 120-34), it would be most profitable for a future scholar to undertake an extended study of this uniquely stimulating intellectual relationship upon the author of the Characteristicks. Cf. Robert Voitle, The Third Earl of Shaftesbury, 1671-1713 (Baton Rouge and London, 1984), 86-91, 123, 220-21.Google Scholar
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    Hazard, La crise de la conscience européene, I, 70-73. Concerning Desmaizeaux, see esp. J. H. Broome, “An Agent in Anglo-French Relationships: Pierre Des Maizeaux, 1673-1745” (Ph.D. diss., University of London, 1949); idem, “Bayle’s Biographer: Pierre Des Maizeaux,” French Studies, IX (1955), 1-18; idem, “Pierre Desmaizeaux, journaliste. Les nouvelles littéraires de Londres entre 1700 et 1740,” Revue de Littérature comparée, XXIX (1955), 184-205; W. M. Daniels, Desmaizeaux en Angleterre (dl’après des manuscrits inédits du Musée britannique), Revue germanique, IX (1908), 40-49; Elisabeth Labrousse, “Bayle et l’établissement de Desmaizeaux en Angleterre,” Revue de Littérature comparée, XXIX (1955), 251-57; Sgard, Dictionnaaire des journalistes, 119-21; Courtines, Bayle’s Relations with England, 48-49, 50-60, 123-30, 148-51; James Ol’Higgins, Anthony Collins: The Man and His Works (The Hague, 1970), 237-41, 15-18, 21-24, and passim.Google Scholar
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    See Roger Laufer, Lesage, ou le métier de romancier (Paris, 1971), 116; Pat Rogers, Grub Street: Studies in a Subculture (London, 1972). See also Robert Darnton, “The Life of a l’Poor Devil’ in the Republic of Letters,” in Essays on the Age of Enlightenment in Honor of Ira O. Wade, ed. J. Macary (Geneva, 1977), 39-92.Google Scholar
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    Desmaizeaux’s journalistic activities were to interfere with his plans to serve Bayle’s cause. During 1712-20, pecuniary needs drove him to act as English correspondent for the Histoire Critique de la République des Lettres, published in Dordrecht, and the Nouvelles Littéraires and the Journal Littéraire, both issued in The Hague. His last contributions were written for the Mercure de France, the Bibliothèque Raisonée des Ouvrages des Savants de l’Europe published in Amsterdam, and the Bibliothèque Britannique printed in The Hague.Google Scholar
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    See the debt to Basnage which Desmaizeaux acknowledged in his “Lettre de Mr. Desmaizeaux à Mr. de la Motte,” December 13, 1729, in Bayle, DHC, I, following “Avertissement sur la quatrième édition.”Google Scholar
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    Ibid., fol. 41. When Desmaizeaux wrote about the affair, he stated that Bayle had told Basnage that he was not the author and that he tried to prevail upon Basnage to reassure Jurieu ( Vie de Monsieur Bayle, liii).Google Scholar
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    Ibid., fol. 45, 13 [1708].Google Scholar
  288. 291.
    It appeared anonymously in a first draft entitled The Life of Mr. Bayle, in a Letter to a Peer of Great Britain [Shaftesbury], in Pierre Bayle, Miscellaneous Reflections Occasionl’d by the Comet which Appeared in December 1680, 2 vols. (London, 1708), II, 3-219. Desmaizeaux seems to have repudiated the English translation made of his French text. But there can be no denying that Desmaizeaux had played a major role in introducing Bayle’s thought in England.Google Scholar
  289. 292.
    BLL, MSS Add 4281, fol. 51.Google Scholar
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    See Alfred Desautel, Les Mémoires de Trévoux et le mouvement des idées au XVIII e siècle, 1701-1734 (Rome, 1956), 79-89, 192-99.Google Scholar
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  292. 295.
    Ibid., fol. 57, 25 [1709].Google Scholar
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    Marais corresponded with Bayle between 1698 and 1706 (see Labrousse, Inventaire critique, 379-80). On Marais’s role in advancing the Baylean cult in France until 1720, see Rétat, Le Dictionnaire de Bayle, 68-74.Google Scholar
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    Mathieu Marais was most uncharitable to Basnage. He found him not all “partial pour notre ami” (Mathieu Marais, Journal et Mémoires sur la Régence et la règne de Louis XV (1715-1737), ed. M. de Lescure, 4 vols. [Paris, 1863-1868], I, 117; see also ibid., I, 112-13.Google Scholar
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    For details relative to the long-standing quarrel between Bayle and Le Clerc, see Barnes, Jean Le Clerc, 228-37; Labrousse, Pierre Bayle, I, 262-65; Jean Delvolvé, Religion, critique et philosophie positive chez Pierre Bayle (Paris, 1906), 313-20.Google Scholar
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    2nd ed. (Rotterdam, 1711); 3rd ed. (Rotterdam, 1713). Both were dedicated to “Mylords et Messieurs les Archevêques, Evêques, Seigneurs & autres Membres de la Société Royale établie en Angleterre, pour la Propagation de la Foi dans les Pays Etrangers.”Google Scholar
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© Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, Dordrecht. 1987

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  • Gerald Cerny

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