Anna Maria van Schurman

A historical survey of her reception since the seventeenth century
  • Mirjam De Baar
  • Brita Rang
Part of the Archives Internationales D’Histoire Des Idées / International Archives of the History of Ideas book series (ARCH, volume 146)


Among the many small self-portraits produced by Anna Maria van Schurman is a fascinating miniature of a veiled woman. Her eyes look out at us, but the rest of her face is virtually indistinguishable (plate 1).1 The portrait piques our interest in its creator. Which Anna Maria van Schurman is hiding here? Can we remove the veil? When we set out in search of the answers to these questions we soon find ourselves surrounded by a multiplicity of images in which scholarship, piety, femininity and virtue vie for the upper hand.


Eighteenth Century Seventeenth Century Historical Survey Dutch Translation United Province 
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  1. 1.
    On the grounds of the physiognomy and the fact that Anna Maria van Schurman often painted her own portrait, it may be assumed that this is a self-portrait. For an interpretation of the portrait, see Van der Stighelen, Anna Maria van Schurman (1987) pp. 72–75.Google Scholar
  2. 2.
    In hermeneutics, as conceived by Ricoeur and Gadamer, the reception forms part of a person, book, etc., see Widdershoven, ‘Tekst en context’ (1992) pp. 23, 27–29.Google Scholar
  3. 3.
    In 1613 Frederik van Schurman and his brothers Johan and Samuel were raised to the nobility by Emperor Matthias of Austria, see transcript ‘Adelsbrief’ 1–1–1613, Gemeentearchief Utrecht, Losse Aanwinsten 1667. Eva von Harff came from a noble Reformed family from the Rhineland (the family seat was Dreiborn or Drimborn near Schleiden). It is probable that neither Anna Maria van Schurman’s father nor her brother Johan Godschalk ever had to work for their living.Google Scholar
  4. 4.
    For Van Schurman and Cologne, see Franken, ‘Zwei Kölsche Mädcher’ (1989) and ‘“Was aber bleibt von den Spuren unseres Namens”’ (1992).Google Scholar
  5. 5.
    For Van Schurman and Utrecht, see De Baar, ‘Anna Maria van Schurman’ (1994).Google Scholar
  6. 6.
    Colletet translated passages from the Latin correspondence with Rivet into French, see Question celebre (1646). An English edition of the Dissertatio entitled The Learned Maid was published in 1659.Google Scholar
  7. 7.
    A Dutch translation of this work appeared in 1684 under the title Eucleria, of Uitkiezing van het Beste Deel (Eukleria, or Choosing the Better Part).Google Scholar
  8. 8.
    For a chronological survey of her life, see also the chronological table at the end of this book.Google Scholar
  9. 9.
    In 1853 Schotel noted that many items might well already have been lost. Manuscripts and pamphlets by her were widely sold at auctions during his lifetime; some items went abroad, see Anna Maria van Schurman (1853), preface, note, pp. 20, 36, 116 and Van der Stighelen, Anna Maria van Schurman (1987), pp. 265–279.Google Scholar
  10. 10.
    De vitae termino was translated by J. van Beverwijck as Paelsteen vanden tijt onses levens (Boundary of life) (1639). He later also added the treatise to his Wercken der genees-konste (1671–72) pp. 193–197. See the bibliography at the end of this book for a full list of Van Schurman’s published works and the various editions and translations.Google Scholar
  11. 11.
    For an overview of Van Schurman’s Dutch poems, see Van Beek, Verbastert christendom (1992). Anna Maria van Schurman’s works of art have been catalogued by Katlijne Van der Stighelen, Anna Maria van Schurman (1987) pp. 259–279. Some of these items are on display in the museum ‘t Coopmanshûs in Franeker.Google Scholar
  12. 12.
    Schotel, Anna Maria van Schurman (1853). Douma, Anna Maria van Schurman (1924). For new finds of letters see among others Dibon, Inventaire de la correspondance d’André Rivet (1971); Wallmann, Philipp Jakob Spener (1970, second impression 1986) pp. 307–320.Google Scholar
  13. 13.
    It is remarkable that, to date, so little attention has been paid to this reception history. Mollerus does provide an overview of the reception in various countries, but his work dates from 1744, see Mollerus, Cimbria Literata II, pp. 805–817. Voisine’ s article, ‘Un astre éclipsé’ (1972), is confined to the reception in France. Anna Maria van Schurman’s reputation in the Netherlands was the subject of two unpublished M.A. theses: Van den Wijngaart-Veraart, Een deugdzame, geleerde en kunstzinnige vrouw (1987) and Van Hoogstraten, Mythe in tweevoud (1993). Google Scholar
  14. 14.
    No systematic study has yet been undertaken for England.Google Scholar
  15. 15.
    First published in Question celebre (1646), pp. 83–98. This edition also included a French translation, pp. 99–115.Google Scholar
  16. 16.
    For earlier reports see among others Cats, ’s Weerelts begin (1637), De Coste, Eloges (second enlarged edition 1647), Van Beverwijck, Van de Wtnementheyt (1639; second impression 1643), Cesenas, La Fama Trionfante (1642), Desselius, Bibliotheca Belgica (1643), De Brune Jr., Wetsteen (1644) Vol. II, chapter 7. For the appreciation of Van Schurman in the intellectual climate of the seventeenth-century Republic of the United Provinces, see the chapter by A. Agnes Sneller in this book.Google Scholar
  17. 17.
    Jacob, Elogium (1646) pp. 83–84: ‘(…) miraculum seu naturae monstrum ob ingenii stupendi foecunditatem, ab omnibus praedicatur & vocatur’.Google Scholar
  18. 18.
    Paullini, Frauenzimmer (1705) p. 134: ‘Wie nun ihr Ruhm wuchs/und ihre herrliche Doctrin sich mehr und mehr empor thäte/ward sie billig von allen/wegen ihres wunder=vollen Ingenii, als ein Miraculum des weiblichen Geschlechtes/ja als ein Monstrum naturae (…) geachtet.’Google Scholar
  19. 19.
    Jacob, Elogium (1646) p. 84.Google Scholar
  20. 20.
    Ibid., p. 83: ‘proh dolor! a Religione nostra alienus, nata’.Google Scholar
  21. 21.
    Le Laboureur, Histoire I (1648) pp. 64–67; Thomasius and Sauerbrei, Diatribe academica (1671, second impression 1676) paragraph 48; Sandrart, Deutsche Mahler-Academie (1675) p. 75; Desselius, Bibliotheca Belgica (1643) pp. 59 ff.;. Keuchenius, Musae juvenilis (1662) pp. 128–129, 206; Hottinger, Bibliothecariusquadripartitus (1664) p. 435; De Vries, Rustuuren (1681) pp. 204–216; Menagius, Historia Mulierum (1690) pp. 64 ff.; Juncker, Centuria Foeminarum (1692) pp. 119–120.Google Scholar
  22. 22.
    Eberti, Eröffnetes Cabinet (1706) unpaginated ‘Vorrede’: ‘Und gewiss hätte diese Krone des weiblichen Geslechts bey der Nachwelt als ein Ausbund aller gelehrten Jungfrauen unaufhörlich geleuchtet, wenn sie nicht selbsten ihren Glantz und erworbenen Ruhm durch ihre verwerflichen Lehrsätze einiger massen verdunckelt hätte.’Google Scholar
  23. 23.
    Thomasius and Sauerbrei, Diatribe academica (1671, second impression 1676) paragraph 48. On this work see Gössmann (ed.), Archiv I [1984] pp. 99–117.Google Scholar
  24. 24.
    See among others Nicéron, Mémoires XXXIII (1736) p. 18: ‘(…) on dit qu’elle aimait beaucoup à manger des araignées’; De Chaufepié, Nouveau Dictionnaire IV (1756), p. 211; Levensschetsen (1791), p. 37. Even Schotel refers to it, Anna Maria van Schurman (1853), pp. 142–143. In both French and German, the spider (and spinning) are used metaphorically to indicate that someone is not quite right in the head, much as ‘bats’ would be used in English.Google Scholar
  25. 25.
    Voisine, ‘Un astre éclipsé’ (1972).Google Scholar
  26. 26.
    According to Wallmann the Eukleria was probably the most widely disseminated Labadist publication in Germany, see ‘Labadismus und Pietismus’ (1978) p. 164, note 92.Google Scholar
  27. 27.
    Arnold, Ketzerhistorie II (1700) pp. 317–318. Feustkingius, Gynaeceum haeretico,fanaticum (1704), pp. 593–595.Google Scholar
  28. 28.
    Arnold, Ketzerhistorie (1715), reprinted 1729 (1967), pp. 1302–1356.Google Scholar
  29. 29.
    Oprecht verhaal (1754). See pp. 117–136 for Van Schurman’s biography.Google Scholar
  30. 30.
    Ibid., pp. 121–122: ‘Juffr. Schuurman zoude in ‘t publyk weinig gekent zyn geweest/dewyl ze beminde onbekent to blyven/indien drie perzoonen/daar zy om hare Godzaligheid en kennisse veel liefde voor had/haar niet als met force uit haren privaten Staat getrokken hadden; namelyk/de Heeren Rivet, G. Voetius/en Spanheym de Oude/die tegen alle hare tegenstribbelingen hare Tractaatjes (…) in publyken druk uitgaf.’Google Scholar
  31. 31.
    Gottsched et al., Die vernünftigen Tadlerinnen (1726/27).Google Scholar
  32. 32.
    Hottinger, Bibliothecarius (1664) p. 435: ‘Pallas Ultrajectina’; Juncker, Centuria Foeminarum (1692) pp. 19–20: ‘Virgo doctissima’.Google Scholar
  33. 33.
    Lehms, Teutschlands galante Poetinnen (1715) p. 216: ‘(…) und doch fällt aller Muth bei meinem Pinsel hin, ich mahle Schattenwerck zu solchen Weissheits-Bildern’. Lehms, a librarian, collected vitae of German and ‘foreign’ women who had made their names as authors and poets. He has a long entry on ‘Van Scurmans’, in which he also looks at the Labadist period. To this he added pieces by her and about her (pp. 194–225).Google Scholar
  34. 34.
    See for example Eberti, Eröffnetes Cabinet (1706) ‘Vorrede’.Google Scholar
  35. 35.
    Gottsched was one of the most prominent writers in the period of the early German enlightenment. He was the publisher of a spectatorial journal intended exclusively for women, Die vernünftigen Tadlerinnen (1726/27), in which women’s scholarship was praised and encouraged.Google Scholar
  36. 36.
    Eberti, Eröffnetes Cabinet (1706) pp. 214 ff.Google Scholar
  37. 37.
    See Bovenschen, Die imaginierte Weiblichkeit (1979) p. 92: Die Gelehrte war eine Kopfgeburt’.Google Scholar
  38. 38.
    In addition to Van Beverwijck and Jacob the following were mentioned by name: Arnold, Ketzer-historie (1729); Jöcher, Compendiöses Gelehrten Lexicon II (1726) (pp. 996–997); Burman, Trajectum eruditum (1738) (pp. 348–355); Mollerus, CimbriaLiterata II (1744) (pp. 805–817) and Morhof, Polyhistor(1708). We also find references to catalogue compilers like Herbinius (1657), Le Moyne (1660), Thomasius and Sauerbrei (1671/1676), Essbergius (1699), Schulte and Stark (1703) and to the authors of dictionaries and the writers of letters or treatises.Google Scholar
  39. 39.
    Lehms, Teutschlands galante Poetinnen (1715) pp. 195 ff.Google Scholar
  40. 40.
    See Krüger, Zeitalter (1972) and Sauder, Empfindsamkeit (1974).Google Scholar
  41. 41.
    Wieland, ‘Zum Bildniss der Anna Maria von Schurman’ (1777) pp. 84–88 and 165–181.Google Scholar
  42. 42.
    For Wieland (1733–1813) and for Anton Reiser, see Niggl, Geschichte der deutschen Autobiographie [1977] passim. Google Scholar
  43. 43.
    Wieland, ‘Zum Bildniss der Anna Maria von Schumann’ (1777) p. 84.Google Scholar
  44. 44.
    Ibid., pp. 165–181.Google Scholar
  45. 45.
    Published in 1783 in Dessau under the title Eukleria oder die Erwählung des besten Theils (2 vols.). A reprint of the Latin edition (2 vols.) had been published in Dessau a year earlier.Google Scholar
  46. 46.
    The ‘femme forte’ is the name given to the image of women that became popular in France in the sixteen-forties. This conceptualization of women as strong, independent and free was a reaction to the fifteenth-and sixteenth-century moralist writings that emphasized women’s weakness and their humble status. Catalogues containing vitae of ‘femmes fortes’ provided evidence that women had always possessed these qualities, see Le Moyne, Gallerie (1647) and Scudérie, Femmes illustres (1644).Google Scholar
  47. 47.
    Lettres traduites du Hollandois was published in Paris in 1730 (two letters from Van Schurman to the Dordrecht physician Johan van Beverwijck: de Paelsteen of 8–2–1639 and a shorter letter dated 2410–1644), see Douma, Anna Maria van Schurman (1924) pp. 68–69.Google Scholar
  48. 48.
    Riballier, De l’education physique (1779) p. 397.Google Scholar
  49. 49.
    Ibid. See also Mme Galien, Apologie des Dames (1737). Another source used in addition to Jacob’s Elogium was De Coste’s Eloges (1647).Google Scholar
  50. 50.
    Van Schurman, Uitbreiding (1732). In 1728 Johannes van Septeren of Amsterdam published Geleerde brieven van de edele deugt-en konstrijke Juffrouiv, Anna Maria van Schuurman (to Samuel Rachelius, professor of law at Kiel, and Johannes van Beverwijck, a physician in Dordrecht).Google Scholar
  51. 51.
    These were the first three chapters of the Eukleria,volume II, see Oprecht verhaal (1754). A Dutch translation of the first volume of the Eukleria was published as early as 1684.Google Scholar
  52. 52.
    Houbraken, De groote Schouburgh I (1718) pp. 313–316.Google Scholar
  53. 53.
    Van Hoogstraten and Schuer, Groot algemeen woordenboek volume S-Z (1733) pp. 124–125.Google Scholar
  54. 54.
    Levensbeschrijving I (1774) pp. 35–44.Google Scholar
  55. 55.
    Kok, Vaderlandsch Woordenboek XXVII (1792) pp. 29–36.Google Scholar
  56. 56.
    Almanak (1799) pp. 49–58.Google Scholar
  57. 57.
    The society was founded in 1784 by the enlightened bourgeoisie of the Dutch Republic.Google Scholar
  58. 58.
    Verwey, ‘Anna Maria van Schurman’ (1827) p. 465: ‘Vrouwen, Echtgenooten, Moeders (…) Met welgevallen staardet gij op het beeld van Anna Maria van Schurman, niet om haar to evenaren in het verkrijgen van buitengewoone kundigheden, hetgeen door den stand en loop haars levens, bij haar meer verschooning vond; maar om haar gelijk to zijn in steeds toenemende beschaving des verstands, en veredeling des harten, ten einde daardoor nuttig to zijn voor uwe bestemming (…).’.Google Scholar
  59. 59.
    The complete Dutch text reads: ‘Zie Schuurman, wijd beroemd om hare kundigheên, Hier bezig met het Was tot vrucht en bloem to kneên; Haar kunstvermogen schonk ‘t gebloemte zwier en leven. In Zang, in Taal bij Taal in Schilderkunst bedreven Was zij hier sieraad van haar Kunne, Tijd en Land; Maar Dweepzucht schoof (wat Spijt) een wolk voor dat verstand.’ Cited by Reeser, Jeugdjaren (1962) p. 9 and p. 300, note 7. The verse does not appear in the first edition of 1791 that we consulted. According to Reeser it was added to the fourth or fifth impression (1803).Google Scholar
  60. 60.
    Verwey, ‘Anna Maria van Schurman’ (1827) pp. 449–450. Cf. also Collot d’Escury, Holland’s roem III (1826) note p. 368: ‘but common sense deserted her at the last, and she became a devotee of the fanatical Labadie’.Google Scholar
  61. 61.
    In Aurora (1850) pp. 200–224 and reprinted in Bosboom-Toussaint, Historische novellen (1869) pp. 241–263. On Toussaint (1812–1886), see Reeser, Jeugdjaren (1962). Google Scholar
  62. 62.
    Bosboom-Toussaint, Historische Novellen (1869) p. 244: ‘En bevreemden zou het mij, zoo het niet velen gegaan is als mij, die, eer zij de vrijheid konde gebruiken zelve to onderzoeken achter die wolk over dat verstand heengeschoven, zich bijna de afgrijsselijkheid eener verstandsverbijstering dacht (…)’.Google Scholar
  63. 63.
    Ibid., pp. 262–263: ‘Dan althans kan men voor hare nagedachtenis een betere hulde eischen, dan den dorren en voor eene vrouw toch altijd wat schor klinkenden naam van geleerde,bijnaam, die nog daarenboven door de smet der dweeperij van haren besten luister wordt beroofd.’Google Scholar
  64. 64.
    Schotel, Anna Maria van Schurman (1853). In the preface Schotel refers to the publication of a French edition of his book, provided ‘the work does not entirely fail to come up to expectations’. As far as we know, this translation never appeared. On Schotel (1807–1892), see Biografisch Lexicon I (1978) pp. 326–328 and Hautvast, ‘G.D.J. Schotel over Anna Maria van Schurman’ (1993) pp. 29–36.Google Scholar
  65. 65.
    Schotel, Anna Maria van Schurman (1853) preface. For Schotel’s method, see among other things the collection of his writings and letters relating to Van Schurman in the Friesland Provincial Library.Google Scholar
  66. 66.
    Schotel, Anna Maria van Schurman (1853) p. 145: ‘Dunks u niet, lezer? Van welke zijde men Anna Maria beschouwe, zij kan de proef doorstaan, en als kunstenares en als geleerde en als christin is zij waardig dat hare gedachtenis bij ons bewaard blijve (…).’ Cf. Schotel’s opinion with that of a contemporary like L.G. Visscher in his Beknopte geschiedenis der Nederlandsche letterkunde (1853) II, second part, pp. 167–181, who included her not because of her own scholarly and literary achievements but solely because of her contacts with the ‘greatest men of the age’ (p. 168).Google Scholar
  67. 67.
    Ibid., preface.Google Scholar
  68. 68.
    Ibid., ‘to Her Royal Highness’: ‘(…) in haar liefde tot God en Jezus, in vroomheid van hart en heiligheid van leven (…). Hierin kunt Gij haar navolgen, gelijk worden, overtreffen!’.Google Scholar
  69. 69.
    Ibid., p. 194: Wij veroordeelen hare roekelooze afscheiding van de uiterlijke eenmaal door God zelve gestichte en met zoo veel genadegaven beweldadigde kerk (…) Wij betreuren het diep dat een vrouw van zulke buitengewoon verstandsvermogens tot zulk een zwakheid vervallen kon (…).’Google Scholar
  70. 70.
    Ibid., p. 78.Google Scholar
  71. 71.
    Ibid., p. 81.Google Scholar
  72. 72.
    Undated review, signed J.T.B., in the Schotel archive, Provinciale Bibliotheek Friesland. Cf. Bosboom-Toussaint’s approval, Historische novellen (1869), note, p. 183: ’(…) to see our incomparable Compatriot again made the subject of a fair and accurate study, and understood and valued in that which she herself found most important, against which she deemed everything that she had possessed more than others to be insignificant.’Google Scholar
  73. 73.
    Undated review, signed J.T.B.Google Scholar
  74. 74.
    Cf. the interest in Van Schurman in Germany during the second half of the nineteenth century. Theological research into Pietism continued to show interest in the Labadist Van Schurman (Goebel (1852), Tschackert (1876), Heppe (1879)). At the same time, in what might be seen as the precursor of the first feminist wave, attention also focused on the learned Van Schurman, see Guhrauer, ‘Elisabeth’ (1850–1851), Von Hanstein, Frauen in der Geschichte (1899/1900), Diethoff, Edle Frauen (undated).Google Scholar
  75. 75.
    In this context see also the review by Hroswitha (pseudonym of Elise A. Haighton (1841–1911) entitled ‘Anna Maria van Schurman’ (1871) of Emil Quandt’s contribution in W. Ziethe, Frauenspiegel. Berlin 1871. The ‘Lied op Anna Maria Schuurman’ (‘Ode to Anna Maria van Schurman’), sung and acted at the Fourth Conference of the International Federation of University Women at Amsterdam, July 28-August 1926, in: Archief Johanna Westerdijk, IIAV, Amsterdam.Google Scholar
  76. 76.
    Constance Pope-Hennessy (1876–1949) also published biographies of Christina of Sweden, Madame Roland, Edgar Allen Poe and Charles Dickens, see Crawford et al. (ed.), Biographical Dictionary (1983), p. 331.Google Scholar
  77. 77.
    Birch, Anna van Schurman (1909) ‘prologue’, p. 2.Google Scholar
  78. 78.
    Ibid., p. 3: ‘I have set her story down, not in order to prove her worthy of a throne in the Temple of Fame, not in order to catalogue her achievements, but in the certainty that the tale of any sincere essay in the conduct of life must needs interest all those who are themselves making the experiment of living’.Google Scholar
  79. 79.
    Ibid., p. 10: ‘(…) we in turning its pages learn to know a woman of deep spiritual aptitudes, who remained fettered and bound during the greater part of her long life by religious conventions and futile controversy, but who in the end emerged upon the enchanted heights of mystical religion’.Google Scholar
  80. 80.
    Ibid., pp. 103, 106, 138–139.Google Scholar
  81. 81.
    Douma, Anna Maria van Schurman (1924) p. 8.Google Scholar
  82. 82.
    Ibid., Appendices A to G, pp. 68–89.Google Scholar
  83. 83.
    Ibid., p. 49 and p. 67: ‘studia non sunt inventa ad crucem, sed ad oblectamen.’Google Scholar
  84. 84.
    Ghijsen, ‘Anna Maria van Schurman’ (1926) I, pp. 380–402 and II, pp. 105–128. Hendrika Catharina Ghijsen (1884–1976) studied Dutch literature and history at Leiden and was awarded a doctorate in 1919 for her thesis on Betje Wolff. See De Bruin, ‘Ghijsen’ (1976) pp. 6–18.Google Scholar
  85. 85.
    Irwin, ‘From feminism to pietism’ (1977).Google Scholar
  86. 86.
    A small display was devoted to her work in the exhibition ‘Blauwkous?’ (Bluestocking?) held in the University of Utrecht Museum in 1959. In 1970 Mülhaupt published an article in which he made a sharp distinction between the ‘early’ and the ‘late’ Van Schurman. The former he classified as the ‘humanistisch-reformatorische Frauentyp’, the second as the ‘frühbarocken-frühpietistische Frauenbild’, see ‘Anna Maria von Schürmann’. Voisine’s article ‘Un astre éclipsé’, which dealt with Van Schur-man’s reputation in France, was published in 1972.Google Scholar
  87. 87.
    Two brochures were published to accompany the exhibitions, one in Friesian and one in Dutch by Dieuwke Winsemius, entitled Anna Maria van Schuurman (1607–1678) (1978). The reprint of the Eucleria was the Dutch translation of 1684. It is only where the reference is to the Dutch edition that ‘Eucleria’ is spelt with a ‘c’ in this book.Google Scholar
  88. 88.
    See for example Theologia Reformata (1978) with a contribution by Van der Linde on Anna Maria van Schurman and her Eucleria, and Fritschy (ed.), Fragmenten vrouwengeschiedenis (1980) with a piece taken from Houbraken, Groote Schouburgh (1718).Google Scholar
  89. 89.
    Bovenschen, Die imaginierte Weiblichkeit (1979) pp. 84–110.Google Scholar
  90. 90.
    Rang, ‘Een maeght’ (1986).Google Scholar
  91. 91.
    Spies, ‘Charlotte de Huybert’ (1986).Google Scholar
  92. 92.
    Irwin, ‘Star of Utrecht’ (1980) p. 83.Google Scholar
  93. 93.
    For research into Anna Maria van Schurman’s theological position, see Korte, ‘Verandering en continuïteit’ (1987) and her unpublished M.A. thesis, Een gemeenschap waarin te geloven valt (1985); Irwin, ‘Anna Maria van Schurman and Antoinette Bourignon’ (1991). Cf. also De Baar, ‘En onder ‘t hennerot’ (1987) pp. 17–24 and ‘Verleid of verkozen?’ (1993) pp. 131–134 for Van Schurman’s decision to join Jean de Labadie’s community. Van der Stighelen, Anna Maria van Schurman (1987) examines her skills as an artist.Google Scholar
  94. 94.
    Roothaan and Van Eck, ‘Anna Maria van Schurman’s verhouding tot de wetenschap’ (1990).Google Scholar
  95. 95.
    These poems were published by Pieta van Beek in Verbastert christendom (1992).Google Scholar
  96. 96.
    Korte, ‘Verandering en continuïteit’ (1987).Google Scholar
  97. 97.
    Brandes, ‘Studierstube’ (1988); Niekus Moore, ‘Anna Maria van Schurman’ (1990).Google Scholar
  98. 98.
    Becker-Cantarino, Der lange Weg (paperback 1989) pp. 113 ff.Google Scholar
  99. 99.
    With the exception of the Dutch translation of the Eukleria,Anna Maria van Schurman’s known work has not been reissued. An extract from the Dissertatio (1641) was translated into German by Elisabeth Gössmann and published in a collection of seventeenth-century texts about the erudition of women, see: Archiv I [1984] pp. 47–52. Joyce Irwin is currently working on an English translation of the Dissertatio and a selection of Van Schurman’s letters. This textbook will appear as volume 9 in the series The Other Voice in Early Modern Europe, which is being published by Albert Rahles.Google Scholar
  100. 100.
    Van der Stighelen also draws attention to a seventeenth-century manuscript about Van Schurman in the Bibliothèque Municipale in Lille, which contains interesting biographical information. See the chapter she has contributed to this book.Google Scholar

Copyright information

© Kluwer Academic Publishers 1996

Authors and Affiliations

  • Mirjam De Baar
  • Brita Rang

There are no affiliations available

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