Abstract
Over the centuries, religion has been associated with civic engagement, but the relationship has varied – according to historical period, religion, region, and also in terms of the scope and degree of social engagement. We begin with a comparison of European countries, revealing major differences. Using Dutch data, we then analyse the significance of church affiliation, religious denomination and church attendance, compared with other characteristics. Finally, we look at the significance of spiritual alternatives to church communities and traditional religion. As with mainstream religion, social networks in the world of alternative spirituality are found to play an important motivational role in social engagement.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
Social values such as breaking through existing power structures, increasing democratic decision-making, greater social equality and reducing income differentials, as well as a strong affinity with nature and environmental movements (De Hart 2011).
- 3.
The list in the Dutch questionnaire was as follows: (1) Welfare work for older people, people with disabilities or underprivileged people; (2) A religious or church organisation; (3) Education, art, music or cultural activities; (4) Trade unions; (5) Political party or group; (6) Local activities in relation to poverty, employment, housing, racial inequality; (7) Development problems in the Third World or human rights; (8) Nature protection, environmental protection, animal welfare; (9) Professional association or organisation; (10) Youth work (e.g. Scouts, Guides, youth clubs); (11) Sport or recreation; (12) Women’s groups; (13) Peace movement; (14) Voluntary work in the field of health care; and (15) Other groups. This list appears rather arbitrary, but the concluding ‘other groups’ should make it fairly comprehensive. The question of whether people do unpaid voluntary work for one or more of these causes gives the respondents a fair degree of freedom in terms of period (now? At some point in the last few months or years?), extent (occasionally helped clear up or only been involved in larger activities on a regular basis?) and also in terms of content (only work-like activities without self-interest or also coaching at the sports club of one’s own children?). The possibility cannot be ruled out that some of the differences between countries are more a reflection of differences of interpretation than differences in actual activities, but nothing can be done about that. On the instability of measurements of volunteering, see Dekker and Van den Broek (2006).
- 4.
This means voluntary work with the exception of activities for ‘religious and church organisations’ (item two in the previous note).
- 5.
Based on the percentages in Table 9.1 and Table 3.1 in Chap. 3, we categorise AT, BE, CY, ES, FR, HR, HU, IE, IT, LT, LU, MT, PL, PT, SI and SK as predominantly Roman Catholic; DK, FI, IS, NO, SE and UK as Protestant; CH, DE and NL as Roman Catholic/Protestant; AM, BG, BY, GE, GR, MD, ME, MK, RO, RS, RU and UA as Orthodox; and AL, TR and XK as Islamic. BA, CZ, EE and LV are left out.
- 6.
In the predominantly mixed Catholic/Protestant countries, churchgoing Protestants do voluntary work fractionally more often than churchgoing Catholics (54 and 49 %, respectively); nonchurchgoers Protestants and Catholics do not differ (32 and 31 %, respectively).
- 7.
It is not necessarily enough to look for effects of religion and religious life at this point in time. It may also be that religion played a major role in the past and continues to have an impact in an increasingly secularised society via social organisational structures and public preferences that were established in the past (‘path dependency’).
- 8.
Strikingly, the findings of research on differences between Catholics and Protestants in the Netherlands show little consistency. For a long time, the substantially greater social engagement of Protestants was a stable given (with the historical explanation being the Protestant communities which developed bottom-up from voluntary associations versus the top-down organisation of the Catholic parishes), but here we find relatively little difference, and other recent research has actually found more volunteering among Dutch Catholics (Bekkers and Schuyt 2008; Vermeer and Scheepers 2012). This calls for further research.
- 9.
The higher participation by the better-educated is a consistent finding in research on volunteering in the Netherlands. The gender difference is not, and as regards age, other research also often finds an overrepresentation of older people. These differences are related to the way in which respondents are asked about volunteering: here, this was done primarily on the basis of membership organisations for which people can perform voluntary activities. If we focus more on unpaid work in the care sector, at schools and in the services sector, we find more women and older people.
- 10.
In the Turkish and Moroccan immigrant populations in the Netherlands, the overall participation in voluntary work is considerably lower than in the native population. On the other hand, Muslims who attend the mosque volunteer more than those who do not. The highest percentage of volunteering is found in the small group who do not follow Islam. These are mainly younger people with a high education level who are closely integrated into Dutch society. Religious participation and social integration are to some extent competing stimuli for participation in voluntary work (cf. Chap. 13 on the impact of the minority position).
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de Hart, J., Dekker, P. (2013). Religion, Spirituality and Civic Participation. In: de Hart, J., Dekker, P., Halman, L. (eds) Religion and Civil Society in Europe. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-6815-4_9
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