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Studies in the Composition and Decomposition of Event Predicates pp 1–26Cite as

The (De)composition of Event Predicates

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Part of the book series: Studies in Linguistics and Philosophy ((SLAP,volume 93))

Abstract

This chapter offers an overview of the advancements made in the semantic theory of events and introduces its central notions and current issues to serve as background information relevant for the contributions included in the volume. It is structured around two main axes: compositional and decompositional approaches to the semantics of event predicates. We argue that, while composition and decomposition are at times treated as two competing ways to deal with the semantics of event predicates, they can actually be seen as two sides of the same coin, as essential parts of the subatomic semantics of event predicates. Along with these two axes, we address how adverbial modification served as modification for event semantics as well as its use as diagnostics for the structural complexity or for particular properties of eventualities, such as (a)telicity or scalarity.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    It is common to distinguish between two different notions of aspect, grammatical aspect (viewpoint aspect, e.g. (im)perfective or aspectual meanings associated with progressive and perfect tenses) vs. lexical (predicational) aspect (also Aktionsart), associated with (a)telicity. While the notion of aspect here deals with viewpoint aspect, in the remainder of this introduction we will mainly be concerned with lexical aspect.

  2. 2.

    Since Vendler, more tests have been proposed to distinguish between different classes of event predicates and in particular to distinguish telic from atelic predicates, such as the compatibility with certain degree modifiers, the potential for ambiguity with modifiers like almost, again, among others. Many of the diagnostics taken in isolation, including the two tests mentioned here, are problematic. In Sect. 1.2.4, we will come back to this issue.

  3. 3.

    See also Kratzer (1995), who proposes that only stage level but not individual level predicates, in the sense of Carlson (1977), contain an event argument in their argument structure.

  4. 4.

    An event predicate has the subinterval property if when it holds of a temporal interval, then it also holds of all the parts of this interval (perhaps to the exclusion of those reaching the atomic level of the event predicate in question). Predicates with the subinterval property are atelic.

  5. 5.

    Verkuyl dubs this the Plus Principle. Following the order of composition of the verb and its arguments, he furthermore observes an asymmetry between the arguments, in the sense that the quantificational properties of the internal argument are to be taken into account first. He postulates a higher aspectual level, at which external arguments participate in the calculation of telicity, so that a −sqa external argument leads to an atelic interpretation at this higher level (e.g. Children ate the cake for an hour). In the remainder of this section, we will abstract away from the role of the external argument by only using definite singular noun phrases, in order to flesh out the contribution of VP-internal material.

  6. 6.

    This difference follows from analyses of the progressive that build volitionality or intentionality into its semantics: one can intentionally arrive somewhere but one cannot intentionally find something (see Portner 2011 for a summary of different approaches to the semantics of the progressive). Furthermore, if no control by an agent is taken as one of the defining features of achievements (e.g. in Dowty 1979), the predicate in (10a) should not count as an achievement, although it is commonly assumed to be one, since an arrival takes place instantaneously.

  7. 7.

    Thus, this treatment of the ambiguity as a structural rather than a lexical one is essentially along the lines of that of the ambiguity with again and other modifiers discussed in the beginning of this section.

  8. 8.

    Rawlins notes that states do not allow for adverbs of space and time altogether (with or without measure phrase modifiers) and suggests that this can be explained under an analysis like Katz’s (2003), though he remains agnostic as to the question whether or not states are associated with an event argument.

  9. 9.

    A third hypothesis, the Complete VP Hypothesis, is introduced at a later point but we will ignore it here, since in the conclusion it turns out to be incorrect and overall less relevant.

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Acknowledgments

We owe special thanks to Henriëtte de Swart for comments on an earlier version of this introduction, which led to major improvements. We also thank the audience of the workshop that initiated the work on this volume. This volume would not be the same without our external reviewers Olga Borik, Jonathan Brennan, Regine Eckardt, Nino Grillo, Jaume Mateu and Louise McNally. Our work on this book was supported by the following grants from the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation: ‘Natural language ontology and the semantic representation of abstract objects’ (FFI2010-15006, Louise McNally), JCI-2008-2699 & RYC-2011-08771 (Boban Arsenijević), and JCI-2010-08581 (Berit Gehrke).

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  1. Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales, Lingüística y Ciencia Cognitiva (LyCC), c/Albasanz 26-28, 28037, Madrid, Spain

    Boban Arsenijević

  2. Department of Translation and Language Sciences, Pompeu Fabra University, c/Roc Boronat, 138, 08018, Barcelona, Spain

    Berit Gehrke

  3. UMR 8163 “Savoirs, Textes, Langage” (STL), CNRS & Université de Lille 3 – Bât. B4, Rue du Barreau – BP 60149, 59653, Villeneuve d’Ascq Cedex, France

    Rafael Marín

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  1. Higher Council for Scientific Research, Calle de Serrano 117, Madrid, 28008, Madrid, Spain

    Boban Arsenijević

  2. , Dept. of Translation & Lang. Sciences, Pompeu Fabra University, c/Roc Boronat 138, Barcelona, 08018, Spain

    Berit Gehrke

  3. , UMR 8163 (STL), University of Lille 3, Rue du Barreau - BP 60149, Villeneuve d’Ascq Cedex, 59653, Nord, France

    Rafael Marín

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Arsenijević, B., Gehrke, B., Marín, R. (2013). The (De)composition of Event Predicates. In: Arsenijević, B., Gehrke, B., Marín, R. (eds) Studies in the Composition and Decomposition of Event Predicates. Studies in Linguistics and Philosophy, vol 93. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-5983-1_1

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