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The Urban Fabric of Crime and Fear

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Book cover The Urban Fabric of Crime and Fear

Abstract

Cities are places of social interaction. Some social interactions – such as being a victim of crime – are unpleasant experiences. Even if there is no such thing as a place free of crime, many would argue that a liveable city should aim to control the risk or fear of crime, where a feeling of security underpin a sense of place attachment and the social cohesion of its residents. Security includes individuals’ risk of being a victim of crime as well as their perceived safety. Some would argue that, although security is necessary for urban quality of life, prioritising it may restrict social interaction, exclude certain groups of individuals and stigmatise others. Cities cannot aim at being socially sustainable without considering their citizens’ security concerns seriously. However, the determination to ensure security must follow policies and practices which have a wide sense of inclusion and fairness. The objective of this book is to provide a theoretical and empirical discussion of security issues in the urban context based on different research traditions. From an academic point of view, the book shows examples of potentialities and limitations within different research disciplines when dealing with urban crime and fear of crime. From a practical point of view, the book has the potential to help practitioners and planners to set out a more realistic agenda for what can be planned and achieved when the issues are crime and fear of crime.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    ‘Crime is fundamentally defined as an antisocial act that violates a law and for which a punishment can be imposed by the state or in the state’s name’ (UNHSP 2007: 50).

  2. 2.

    Fear of crime refers to the fear of being a victim of crime as opposed to the actual probability of being a victim of crime (Hale 1996; Farrall et al. 2007). Fear of crime includes ‘a variety of emotional states, attitudes, or perceptions’ (Warr 2000: 453).

  3. 3.

    Security as a concept is complex and problematic; its use makes sense only when it is attached to a context, a group or a specific discipline. The definition of security in this book is limited to urban crime and fear of crime, their geography and links to urban fabric. As such, security is a social construct which is produced and reproduced by individuals, their actions and interventions in everyday life.

  4. 4.

    Urban fabric can be continuous (most of the land is covered by buildings, and roads and artificially surfaced areas cover almost all the ground. Non-linear areas of vegetation and bare soil are exceptional) or discontinuous (most of the land is covered by structures, but vegetated areas and bare soil occupy discontinuous but significant surfaces).

  5. 5.

    Loosely defined, social controls are composed of mechanisms that regulate individual and group behaviour, leading to compliance to the rules of a given place or group. They can be informal or formal. According to Conklin (2007), informal social control, or the reactions of individuals and groups that bring about conformity to norms and laws, includes peer and community pressure, bystander intervention in a crime and collective responses such as citizen patrol groups. Formal social control is, according to Poore (2007), expressed through law as statutes, rules and regulations against deviant behaviour. It is imposed by government and organisations using law enforcement mechanisms and other formal sanctions such as fines and imprisonment. These concepts provided the basis for social control theory; for details, see, for instance, Hirschi (1969, 2002).

  6. 6.

    There is a clear link between city size and crime (Christie et al. 1965; Glaeser and Sacerdote 1999). More social interaction in a single place leads to high rates of crimes against persons (Mayhew and Levinger 1976); in particular, robbery and residential burglary are heavily concentrated in larger cities (Skogan 1978) since larger urban areas offer greater opportunities for crime (Wikström 1991), higher benefits (variety of targets), lower probabilities of arrest and a lower probability of recognition (Glaeser and Sacerdote 1999).

  7. 7.

    Deriving from neighbourhood clues of disorder, Wilson and Kelling (1982) suggested that unrepaired damage to property encourages further vandalism and other types of crimes, the so-called broken window syndrome.

  8. 8.

    Whilst the empirical testing of Brantingham and Brantingham’s model has not been extensive, evidence tends to support it (Bottoms and Wiles 2002).

  9. 9.

    There were 13 homicides recorded per day between 1999 and 2003 (Ceccato et al. 2007). Lethal violence is decreasing in the last decade.

  10. 10.

    In many cities, a Brazilian pattern of higher male youth homicide rates is clear. Of murder victims from 14 to 30 years old, 94.5% were men and 5.5% women. Amongst the young population, between 15 and 24 years old, the rate for blacks and mixed race was 74% higher than that for whites (15) (Monteiro and Zaluar 2009).

  11. 11.

    Favela is the Portuguese word for shanty towns or irregular, subnormal dwellings.

  12. 12.

    There is a vast literature that dismisses the idea that we really can create cities in which justice is possible for everyone; see, for example, Fainstein (2010).

  13. 13.

    As suggested by Rhodes (1997: 67), governance blurs the distinction between the state and civil society. The state becomes a collection of inter-organisational networks made up of governmental and societal actors with no sovereign actors able to steer or regulate.

  14. 14.

    Women’s safety audits have been defined as ‘a process which brings individuals together to walk through a physical environment, evaluate how safe it feels to them, identify ways to make the space safer and organize to bring about these changes’ (Women’s Action Centre Against Violence Ottawa-Carleton 1995:1).

  15. 15.

    Space-time budgets comprise detailed hourly information about individuals’ whereabouts and doings. They cover a time period (e.g. a day, a week), including the subject’s geographic location, the place (e.g. home, school, street), who the subject was with (e.g. family, friends) and his or her main activity (e.g. socialising, sleeping). For more details, see Wikström et al. (2010).

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  1. School of Architecture and the Built Environment, Royal Institute of Technology (KTH), Drottning Kristinas väg 30, 10044, Stockholm, Sweden

    Vania Ceccato

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  1. Vania Ceccato
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    Vania Ceccato

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Ceccato, V. (2011). The Urban Fabric of Crime and Fear. In: Ceccato, V. (eds) The Urban Fabric of Crime and Fear. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-4210-9_1

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