Abstract
This chapter discusses changes in the professional role of scientists as one aspect of the medialization of science. The chapter specifically addresses the interrelation of internal norms that govern scientific behaviour and external expectations that scientists are exposed to in the course of media presence. Based on 55 in-depth interviews with media visible and not visible genome researchers in Germany, France, the UK and the USA, the chapter investigates the impact of media attention on a scientist’s personal role preferences and asks for the tolerance that communication as a “visible scientist” can expect from the peer community. The genome case provides evidence that it is not possible to establish the role of the visible scientist without introducing a systematic tension to the reputation autonomy of the peers. The data show deep ambivalence towards highly visible scientists. This ambivalence is characterised in detail and several strategies of ambivalence management are derived from the data. The chapter shows that the role of the visible scientist is occupied by a minority of scientists, with the main incentive to secure public and private research funding. On the basis of the analysis of this high profile case, one can conclude that the view that visibility is now built into the role expectation of every professional scientist, including being eligible for reputation, is policy talk rather than an empirical fact.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
This sets the sociological concept of ambivalence apart from its use in psychology where it refers to ambivalent feelings of an individual. A psychological ambivalence, however, may be rooted in a structurally induced conflict. A role occupant’s mixed feelings can thus be revealing of a tension built into a particular social role (for an example, see Section 8.4.1).
- 3.
Merton himself develops his analysis with regard to influences of the political system on science in the 1930s.
- 4.
The term “visible scientist” was introduced by Rae Goodell (1977). In this paper, the analytical concept of visibility as public communication, i.e., communication with audiences other than the scientific community, is operationalised as visibility in the mass media, in line with the argument that these media form an important resource for the public legitimacy of science in modern democracies (see Chapter 1). The role of the visible scientist thus encompasses intellectuals and media experts. This distinction is not relevant for my concern; it would be, however, if one wanted to compare the media visibility of life scientists with that of social scientists, for instance.
- 5.
“If you nowadays try to hold against biologists that one of their discoveries is politically right or left, catholic or not catholic, you will provoke open exhilaration, but this has not always been the case” (Bourdieu 1998: 20, my translation). It is obvious that scientific disciplines differ in the degree of exhilaration when facing such allegations.
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For my interest in individual role preferences the focus on the academic role-set is promising because their role-bundle includes teaching and self-administration and is thus inherently more complex than that of a scientist who researches in a private firm.
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- 9.
For the empirical study, a scientist was a priori classified as “visible” if he had repeated media prominence in more than one context (a context being a journal publication, etc.). The sample was composed of visible and not visible scientists from each of the four countries; the classification was based on a literature review and verified by a triangulation with quantitative data (Rödder 2009b).
- 10.
The expert interview situation is itself a kind of boundary system rather than peer communication. This methodical weakness was dealt with both on the level of data acquisition and data analysis. The interview was set up as research communication on the issue of visible scientists, and reconstructive analysis was applied in looking for coherence in the interview data (for details on the methodology and a validity assessment, see Rödder 2009b).
- 11.
The first digit represents the number of the interview, the second digit the coded sequence. Quotes in German and French were translated by the author.
- 12.
In all three dimensions of meaning, the interviewees focus on the point emphasised by the differentiation theory perspective that we propose in this volume: the difference in meaning between scientific and mass media communication, i.e., between an orientation towards “truth” and an orientation towards news values (see Chapter 1).
- 13.
For a discussion of hierarchies in the role-set, see also Merton (1957: 113f).
- 14.
The reputation autonomy of the scientific community is safeguarded by all of the interviewees, but beyond this common ground, types of scientists can be differentiated on the basis of their construction of the public and their willingness to adapt their communication: the geek, the missionary, the advocate of knowledge and the public scientist (Rödder 2009b).
- 15.
Merton’s ambivalence was found in the interview data as well: “Well, I am not really after prizes, but, on the other hand, to get one is not bad at all” (42:110). Further ambivalences are also present: for example, the tension between different role-sets of a person such as being torn between the professional role and the role as a family member. The relation of the professional and the family role shows that a structural dominance of the professional role is rather widespread amongst scientists in general and, in particular, amongst geek-type scientists. This allows to speak of a “hyperinclusion” in science, a phenomenon first noticed with regard to professional athletes (Göbel and Schmidt 1998). This tension, however, is not a sociological ambivalence in the narrow sense of the term, but a “derivative type” (Merton and Barber 1976: 9).
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I want to thank André Kieserling and Veronika Tacke for valuable comments on a draft of this chapter.
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Rödder, S. (2012). The Ambivalence of Visible Scientists. In: Rödder, S., Franzen, M., Weingart, P. (eds) The Sciences’ Media Connection –Public Communication and its Repercussions. Sociology of the Sciences Yearbook, vol 28. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-2085-5_8
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