Abstract
This chapter outlines the major goals of this monograph and gives a brief overview of how these goals will be accomplished. These goals include (i) to present a thorough analysis of NI in Northern Iroquoian, (ii) to recast. (Dynamic) Antisymmetry in a BPS framework, (iii), to argue for a Dynamic Antisymmetric analysis of NI, and (iv) to illustrate the Dynamic Antisymmetric analysis of NI with data from a variety of other languages This chapter also introduces the phenomenon of NI and presents its properties that are pertinent to the discussion.
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- 1.
- 2.
Throughout this monograph, I use the term bare noun to mean functionally bare (i.e., a bare root or a bare nP), rather than morphologically bare in the sense of Giorgi and Longobardi (1991). This distinction is important because a morphologically bare noun in this other sense could contain a large number of functional projections with phonologically empty heads.
- 3.
Of course OV word order is possible with full DP objects, as German is an SOV language. The point here is that full DP objects can appear in either VO or OV word order, depending on whether the verb appears in 2nd position or sentence-finally. With bare nominal objects as in the progressive beim construction, only OV word order is found.
- 4.
Unless otherwise stated, all German data are from Bettina Spreng and Martina Wiltschko (personal communication).
- 5.
Unless otherwise stated, all Persian data are provided by Jila Ghomeshi, Arsalan Kahnemuyipour, and Nick Pendar (personal communication).
- 6.
- 7.
The use of the label modifier stranding to describe example 8 has theoretical implications that I discuss in greater detail in Chapter 4.
- 8.
Not all languages with productive NI were classified as OV or VO languages, hence the discrepancy in totals.
- 9.
Note that I have nothing to say about the correlation between VO/OV order and V+N, N+V order despite the fact that this is significant.
- 10.
Larson takes issue with the fact that Pylkkänen has divorced the goal argument from the event semantics. Thus, in a construction such as John baked Mary a cake, Mary is related to the cake by a to.the.possession.of predicate, but is not related to the event. Fatally, however, Larson argues that this approach fails to capture the fact that the subject, John, must be responsible for Mary’s receipt of the cake. Under Pylkkänen’s approach, the sentence above is compatible with a scenario in which John baked a cake and someone else brought it to Mary. Since I do not ultimately adopt Pylkkänen’s approach, I won’t pursue this line of reasoning further here.
- 11.
Note that a restitutive reading is available with 19b; however, this is independent of the instrumental phrase. The same reading is available with the following sentence.
-
i.
Joyce is trimming flowers again (and they used to be trimmed before).
This reading is somewhat odd because cut flowers don’t typically re-grow their stems (thus requiring re-trimming). Nevertheless, it is available. Under Beck and Johnson’s approach, we would assume a stative BE predicate, which the adverb again could take scope over.
-
ii.
Joyce CAUSE flowers BE trim.
Crucially, the instrumental phrase is not introduced by an additional predicative head since or else we would predict yet another restitutive reading.
-
i.
- 12.
Many of the arguments for the various proposals for the structure of ditransitives rely on a number of semantic distinctions. Further details of these semantic properties in Northern Iroquoian languages will have to wait for future research.
- 13.
Note that this idiom is apparently found only in the Syracuse community in New York. My consultants in Six Nations did not recognize this idiom.
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Barrie, M. (2011). Introduction. In: Dynamic Antisymmetry and the Syntax of Noun Incorporation. Studies in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, vol 84. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-1570-7_1
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